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Foreign policy of Qatar, a dwarf emirate with considerable geographic and demographic limitations, demands special attention. Not only has this small Gulf monarchy succeeded in overcoming its smallness, but also managed to establish itself as an influential actor, both regionally and internationally, in the shortest possible time, breaking and revolutionizing conventional perceptions of capabilities and opportunities of small states in world politics. The paper aims to explore various characteristics of Qatar’s foreign policy, its main principals and goals, instruments and paths of their implementation, as well as its achievements. The author also intends to determine the essence of Qatari foreign political identity and its components, arguing that it was the key to the small Gulf emirate’s global success. Through formulation and assertion of its exceptionalism, skilled promotion of its image as a modern and progressive state, useful military and political partner, reliable supplier of fuel, sought-after international mediator and donor of humanitarian assistance, powerful investor, a transport, cultural, educational, financial hub and a tourist destination in combination with efficient balancing strategy, Doha was able to carve a distinguished niche for itself and cement its position as an important global actor. Despite of a number of setbacks in foreign policy tactics and reputational losses that followed, regardless of speculations about the unrepairable damage to all the previous achievements, the young emir has proven his commitment to the resonant foreign political identity his predecessor had shaped. Its core elements include demonstrative independence and self-sufficiency, exceptionalism distinguishing the emirate form other Gulf monarchies, refusal to accept the bounds of conventional perceptions of “friends” and “foes”, combination of traditions and modernity, as well as vision and proactivity.
Foreign policy of Qatar, a dwarf emirate with considerable geographic and demographic limitations, demands special attention. Not only has this small Gulf monarchy succeeded in overcoming its smallness, but also managed to establish itself as an influential actor, both regionally and internationally, in the shortest possible time, breaking and revolutionizing conventional perceptions of capabilities and opportunities of small states in world politics. The paper aims to explore various characteristics of Qatar’s foreign policy, its main principals and goals, instruments and paths of their implementation, as well as its achievements. The author also intends to determine the essence of Qatari foreign political identity and its components, arguing that it was the key to the small Gulf emirate’s global success. Through formulation and assertion of its exceptionalism, skilled promotion of its image as a modern and progressive state, useful military and political partner, reliable supplier of fuel, sought-after international mediator and donor of humanitarian assistance, powerful investor, a transport, cultural, educational, financial hub and a tourist destination in combination with efficient balancing strategy, Doha was able to carve a distinguished niche for itself and cement its position as an important global actor. Despite of a number of setbacks in foreign policy tactics and reputational losses that followed, regardless of speculations about the unrepairable damage to all the previous achievements, the young emir has proven his commitment to the resonant foreign political identity his predecessor had shaped. Its core elements include demonstrative independence and self-sufficiency, exceptionalism distinguishing the emirate form other Gulf monarchies, refusal to accept the bounds of conventional perceptions of “friends” and “foes”, combination of traditions and modernity, as well as vision and proactivity.
This article examines the evolution of Egypt’s foreign policy towards Libya, highlighting the significance of the recent developments for understanding the shifts both in Cairo’s foreign strategy and regional military and political dynamics. The persistent Libyan conflict presents a formidable challenge to international and regional security. Egypt’s engagement in Libya is driven by its national security concerns, with special emphasis on the need to maintain Libyan territorial integrity, stabilize the country’s military-political landscape, and prevent Islamist resurgence. The article underscores the securitized nature of Egypt’s foreign policy, characterized by its readiness to employ force to ensure national interests. However, the author also points to Cairo’s strategic flexibility while balancing military and political measures, demonstrating willingness to adapt approaches without abandoning core objectives, and fostering dialogue. Actively working to stabilize Libya, Egypt aims to mitigate risks to its national interests, including the ones in the realm of economy. Cairo’s goals include support to Libya’s integrity as a state, reducing foreign interference, ensuring border security, enhancing Egyptian regional influence, and protecting its economic stakes. These efforts mirror the broader regional trend in the foreign policies of the key regional actors who – amidst the continuing (and even worsening) conflicts and destabilization in the Middle East – have started to seek de-escalation since the early 2020s, driven by the realization that costly military strategies require reassessment. Recognizing the importance of cooperation for the goals of economic prosperity and security, key regional actors increasingly value pragmatism and flexibility in their foreign policy approaches.
With the processes of the global order transformations currently unfolding and new rising powers gaining influence in the international arena, the issue of possible contours of a new architecture of the world system is becoming more urgent. The three Gulf monarchies – Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Qatar – in recent years have been re-evaluating their relations with world powers, re-establishing their international positioning, and strengthening their capabilities in active engagement in the process of a new world order shaping as their foreign policies and national interests have been increasingly stretching far beyond the Gulf and the MENA region. They have gained confidence in asserting and defending their interests and standing up to pressure, willing to seize the initiative in forming the regional security system and strongly participate in the shaping of the global world order, which they see as polycentric and “non-polar”. After the decade of intraregional confrontations and rivalries in the 2010s, they have come to realize that in order for their ambitious socioeconomic development strategies to succeed, they require a “stable and prosperous” Middle East based on cooperation between all the key regional players with none of them dominating but counterbalancing each other, while external actors are considered important partners for cooperation on the agenda set by the regional powers provided that they counterbalance each other’s influence and do not try to exert their dominance. The three Gulf monarchies see Russia as an influential center of power in the shaping polycentric world order as well as a partner with whom they need to coordinate to ensure stability in the region and cement their global influence in the world oil markets. The Ukrainian crisis has not had any negative effect on the monarchies’ approaches towards relations with Russia and even strengthened their conviction in the correctness of their regional and global policy course.
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