Хохотнул, Схитрил: Отношение Между Однократными Глаголами, Образованными При Помощи Формантов -Ну- И С- В русском Языке

Dickey, Stephen M.; Janda, Laura A.

doi:10.1007/s11185-009-9044-9

Cited by 14 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…16 There are other ways of building semelfactivity, which includes inherently semelfactive verbs, like skočit (Cz) 'jump (once)' or adding a perfectivizing inceptive prefix like za-to a stem as in za-wiązać (Pol) 'wind, bind' (cf. Dickey and Janda (2009) for a discussion of a semelfactive function of a perfectivizing prefix in Russian, Bacz (2012) for Polish, and Biskup (2012) for Czech). One should also note that Markman (2008) offers an interesting analysis of NU, whereby the Russian NU and the secondary imperfective suffix IV are related in that both can lexicalize the little v in syntax, depending on its featural composition.…”

Section: Properties Of Numentioning

confidence: 99%

Semelfactives are bigger than degree achievements

Medová

Wiland

2018

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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This paper argues that semelfactive and degree achievement verbs are morphosyntactically distinct, despite the fact that the morphemes they are made of are often syncretic even in languages with synthetic verb morphology like Czech or Polish. We use the mechanisms of Nanosyntax, a theory of the architecture of grammar in which the lexicon stores entire syntactic subtrees, to show that there is a structural containment between semelfactives and degree achievements such that semelfactives include more syntactic structure than degree achievements. In this respect, the relative structure of these two verb classes contributes to Bobaljik's (2012) general claim that syncretism anchors structural containment as well as to the ongoing discussion about the form of spell out in syntax. The resulting picture supports the view whereby the semantics of lexical items is determined by their fine-grained internal syntax.

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Section: Properties Of Numentioning

confidence: 99%

Semelfactives are bigger than degree achievements

Medová

Wiland

2018

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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“…For instance, in "prototypical semelfactives" (Dickey & Janda 2009), the verbal affix nuis used for this purpose (Makarova & Janda 2009), like in kašlja-nu-t' 'cough once', which contrasts with kašljat' 'cough repeatedly'. 9 The suffix nu-strongly prefers unbounded extended stems that express iterations of (typically very short) "quanta of a situation" (Dickey & Janda 2009), in other words, stems that are naturally atomic in the sense of Rothstein. Nesset (2013) points out that these "quanta" do not introduce an explicit change of state.…”

Section: [33] Semelfactives and Iteratives In Russian And Hungarianmentioning

confidence: 99%

Semelfactives

Egg¹

2018

OSLa

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The present paper discusses the aspectual class of ‘semelfactives’, which comprises expressions that introduce eventualities with inherent boundaries, often a very short duration, but no lexically defined change of state, e.g., ‘flash’ and ‘cough’. After reviewing previous analyses of semelfactives (including their integration into an overall system of aspectual classification), an analysis of semelfactives that treats them as denoting singleton (rather than iterated) eventualities will be defended. As a challenge for this analysis of semelfactives, semantic construction of semelfactives with frequency adverbials will be presented and analysed in terms of a coercion operator.

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“…e.g. Isačenko 1960, Smith 1997: 246, Plungian 2000, Zaliznjak & Šmelev 2000: 118--120, Dickey 2001, Dickey & Janda 2009, Makarova & Janda 2009, Nesset 2013. By way of example, consider maxat' 'wave' and maxnut' 'wave once'.…”

Section: Local Domains: the Semantic Homogeneity Constraintmentioning

confidence: 99%

Testing the Semantic Homogeneity Constraint

Makarova

Nesset²

2014

JHL

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Although it has been widely assumed in historical linguistics that semantics plays a crucial role in analogical change, it is difficult to pinpoint the contribution of the semantic factor, since meaning and form work closely together in bringing about language change. The purpose of the present article is to shed light on the issue by means of two case studies from Russian, which enable us to isolate the role of semantics. The hypothesis we test is that analogical change is restricted to semantically homogeneous domains. We call this the Semantic Homogeneity Constraint. Two phenomena from Russian conjugation are explored: suffix shift and NU-drop. Although they seem parallel, analogical change occurs in the former, but not in the latter. It is argued that this is because the verbs involved in suffix shift constitute a semantically homogeneous domain, within which analogical change can take place. By contrast, NU-verbs are semantically diverse, and these semantic differences create boundaries which block analogical change. The findings have implications both for Russian and general linguistics. While suffix shift and NU-drop are well-known phenomena in Russian conjugation, they have not been juxtaposed and compared before. Our comparison provides new insights about the differences and similarities of the two phenomena. From the perspective of historical linguistics, the present article contributes to the theory of analogy, insofar as we provide empirical evidence for the Semantic Homogeneity Constraint, which places restrictions on semantic domains where analogical change can take place.

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Хохотнул, Схитрил: Отношение Между Однократными Глаголами, Образованными При Помощи Формантов -Ну- И С- В русском Языке

Abstract: This article presents the cluster model and the allomorphy hypothesis which it entails in section 1, followed by a summary of relevant previous scholarship on -nu--Nu-and s-semelfactives in Russian 3 and s-semelfactives in section 2. Section 3 tests the allomorphy hypothesis against

Cited by 14 publications

References 11 publications

Semelfactives are bigger than degree achievements

Semelfactives are bigger than degree achievements

Semelfactives

Testing the Semantic Homogeneity Constraint

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