This paper seeks to offer a new perspective on the interrelated questions of globalized capitalism and anti-Blackness. We engage with current geographical work on the question of Blackness, highlighting the ways in which prevailing forms of global capital accumulation—which take shape in numerous spatial and political practices around the world—coincide with acts of anti-Blackness. In recognizing the connections between capitalism and anti-Black violence, however, we choose not to frame anti-Blackness as an effect of capitalist relations. Rather, we insist that anti-Blackness remains a necessary precondition for the perpetuation of capitalism, as the perpetual expansion of capitalist practices requires “empty” spaces open for appropriation—a condition made possible through the modern assumption of Black a-spatiality. Drawing on theoretical discussions of both global capital and anti-Blackness, empirical examples of shifting global spatial-racial regimes, and the discursive and material practices of Black Lives Matter, the Movement for Black Lives, and the Afro-Brazilian community Ilha de Maré, this paper attempts to forge new geographical conversations regarding current capitalist practices and the matter of Black lives.

southeastern geographer, 57(1) 2017: pp. 30-50 posits a placement of the maroon community at the forefront of present and future discussions of U.S. human rights. La esclavitud era una práctica encontrado a través de todas las Américas, que duró cientos de años y contribuyó a la asumida a-espacialidad de las poblaciones de ascendencia africana presente en el hemisferio occidental. Mientras oprimidos y aparentemente deshumanizado por las sociedades en las que se encontraban, los negros en las Américas encontraron miles de maneras de luchar contra la imposición de una condición de no ser. Uno de tales métodos es el del cimarrón. Más que una simple reacción a la esclavitud y el no ser, el cimarrón fue quizás uno de los métodos más creativos y emergentes de la creación de la vida que se encuentran en el mundo moderno. Comunidades cimarronas, hoy en día, ocupan las memorias nacionales de diversas maneras. Este artículo explora la historia y la comprensión hoy en día y la existencia de comunidades de cimarrones en dos países: Brasil y los Estados Unidos de América. Mientras que la historia de las comunidades de cimarrones (conocido como quilombos) se dibuja en el Movimiento Negro en Brasil en los años 1970 y 1980 para hacer las reclamaciones de redistribución de la tierra en consecuencia de la caída de la dictadura militar de Brasil, la figura espacial de la comunidad cimarrón es en gran parte ausente de la memoria nacional y la imaginación de los Estados Unidos. En cambio, los movimientos negros EE.UU. son más frecuentemente asociados con la defensa política de inclusión o el Chattel slavery was a practice found throughout all of the Americas, lasting for hundreds of years and contributing to the assumed a-spatiality of the populations of African descent present in the Western Hemisphere. While oppressed and seemingly dehumanized by the societies in which they found themselves, Blacks in the Americas found myriad ways to struggle against the imposition of a condition of non-being. One such method was that of marronage. More than simply a reaction to slavery and non-being, marronage was perhaps one of the most creative and emergent methods of life-building found in the modern world. Maroon communities, today, occupy national memories in various manners. This paper explores the history and present-day understanding and existence of maroon communities in two American countries-Brazil and the United States. Whereas the history of maroon communities (known as quilombos) were drawn on by the Black Movement in Brazil in the 1970s and 1980s to make claims for land redistribution in wake of the fall of Brazil's Military Dictatorship, the spatial figure of the maroon community is largely absent from the national memory and imagination of the United States. Instead, U.S. Black movements are more frequently associated with advocating inclusionary politics or nationalist separatism. By exploring the effects of the idea of the quilombo as a spatial entity in Brazil and acknowledging the history of maroon settlements in the United S...

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This paper seeks to spur conversations around the inherent pluralities found within Black Geographies. While analyses of Black Geographies have provided important reflections on the spatial imaginaries and practices of Black populations, less attention has been paid to the differences found among Black geographical expressions. This piece therefore seeks to draw out the ways in which Black people uniquely conceive of space by highlighting the distinctions present within different Black social movements. The authors explore the spatial politics of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense, and the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Afrika to argue that while these three movements all attempted to create spaces of Black self-determination, they did so with distinct spatial aspirations and concrete politics. The authors argue that recognising and accounting for the pluralities of Black spatial creation is necessary for realising more just geographies.Resumen: Este art ıculo intenta estimular debates sobre las pluralidades inherentes que se encuentra en Geograf ıas Negras. Mientras analices de Geograf ıas Negras han ofrecidos reflexiones importantes sobre los pensamientos y las practicas espaciales de las poblaciones negras, las diferencias entre las expresiones espaciales negras han recibidas poca atenci on. Por eso, este art ıculo intenta enfatizar las maneras en que los grupos negros singularmente conciben espacio por alumbrar las distinciones entre diferentes movimientos sociales negros. Los autores exploran las pol ıticas espaciales de la Asociaci on Universal de Mejoramiento Negro, el Partido de las Panteras Negras para la Auto-Defensa y el Gobierno Provisional de la Republica de Nueva Afrika para argumentar que mientras estos tres movimientos intentaban crear espacios de autodeterminaci on negra, ellos lo hac ıan con aspiraciones espaciales y pol ıticas concretas distintas. Los autores argumentan que reconocer y considerar las pluralidades de creaci on espacial negra es necesario para realizar geograf ıas m as justas.

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