No abstract

In African societies, kinship ties determine how women are socialized, their access to power and wealth, as well as custody of children, often considered important factors in married women's experience of intimate partner violence (IPV). Yet studies that examine how kinship norms influence IPV are scant. Using in-depth interviews collected from women identifying with both matrilineal and patrilineal descent systems, we explored differences in Ghanaian women's experiences of IPV in both kin groups. Results show that while IPV occurs across matrilineal and patrilineal societies, all women in patrilineal societies narrated continuous pattern of emotional, physical, and sexual assault, and their retaliation to any type of violence almost always culminated in more experience of violent attacks and abandonment. In matrilineal societies, however, more than half of the women recounted frequent experiences of emotional violence, and physical violence occurred as isolated events resulting from common couple disagreements. Sexual violence against matrilineal women occurred as consented but unwanted sexual acts, but patrilineal women narrated experiencing violent emotional and physical attack with aggressive unconsented sexual intercourse. Contextualizing these findings within existing literature on IPV against women suggests that policies aimed at addressing widespread IPV in Ghanaian communities should appreciate the dynamics of kinship norms.

Using data from the 2013 Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey (N = 6,013) and applying multinomial logit models, we examined whether type and severity of intimate partner violence (IPV) influence victims’ help-seeking behaviors. Results showed that about 65% of women did not seek help after experiencing IPV. However, most women who sought help did so from informal sources only (31.3%), compared with formal sources (1.9%). Type and severity of violence were significant predictors of the help-seeking behaviors of Nigerian women. Women who experienced severe forms of physical and emotional violence were more likely to seek help from formal and informal support services, than not seeking help. Sexual violence was not a significant predictor of women’s help-seeking behaviors. It is important to educate women on the relevance of seeking help, especially from formal support services after experiencing IPV.

Ghana's strategic framework for controlling HIV/AIDS endorses voluntary HIV testing as an important strategy toward risk reduction and HIV/AIDS prevention. Yet, like other sub-Saharan African countries, utilization of testing services in Ghana is very low. Using the 2003 Ghana Demographic and Health Surveys and applying both complementary and negative log-log models, this study investigates the correlates of HIV testing among women aged 15-49. Two major dependent variables are considered, "ever tested for AIDS" and "wanting to test for AIDS." Results show that majority of Ghanaian women have not tested for HIV but say they want to do so. Having tested for HIV is strongly related to respondents' knowledge about someone dead of AIDS and other socio-economic and demographic variables such as education, region of residence, rural-urban residence, religion, and marital status. Majority of Ghanaian women do not know where to get an HIV test, although knowing where to get a test was significantly related to wanting to get the test done. To increase voluntary testing for HIV among women in Ghana it is recommended that testing services be made more accessible and visible especially to those residing in rural areas who may be economically disadvantaged. Interventions, including routine checking of HIV serostatus among patients seeking healthcare in clinics and home/work-based testing programs, must be encouraged as ways of expanding access among women in Ghana.

Despite its prevalence, intimate partner economic abuse has received less scholarly attention in sub-Saharan Africa. Using qualitative enquiry, this study describes the experiences of economic abuse among 18 women in the Eastern Region of Ghana. Economic abuse occurred in a variety of forms, including extortion, denial of income-earning activity, and attempts to deny women’s economic independence and financial self-sufficiency. Findings point to the pervasiveness of economic abuse among both high- and low-income women. While economic dependency among nonworking women was associated with sexual violence, working and independent women experienced physical and emotional violence on questioning intimate partner’s economic abuse.