Teaching how to "vote well" and learning about modern politics: social pedagogy under the radical Colombian regime (1863)(1864)(1865)(1866)(1867)(1868)(1869)(1870)(1871)(1872)(1873)(1874)(1875)(1876)(1877)(1878)

made important contributions not only to my professional formation but also to the intellectual endeavors behind this dissertation. Doctors Micah Oelze and Judith Mansilla adopted me as a younger sibling almost since the beginning of my doctoral experience, when they were just two graduate students in the final phases of their dissertations. I learned a great deal from them, and the memories of our many trips within the United States and abroad will remain in my memory forever. I also want to thank Luis del Pino for his time, patience, and good humor.Outside Florida International University, professors James Sanders and Joshua Rosenthal gave me valuable feedback on more than one occasion. I will treasure the conversations we had during the few academic congresses we attended together. Thanks, too, to all the people from the Max Planck Institute for European Legal History, in vi Frankfurt, Germany. Doctors Stephanie Ruther and Karl Harter made my two weeks at the Institute a wonderful and unforgettable academic experience. Doctor Harter also played an important role as an external advisor for this dissertation, and provided me with useful literature and vital suggestions concerning my theoretical framework. An additional thank you to the people that gave me a hand in the recollection of primary sources and archival documents in Colombia, especially to Juán Sebastián García in Bogotá and Katherine Bolívar in Medellín.Finally, I want to thank those that kept me afloat during five years of academic, professional, and emotional challenges. My parents, Gabriel and María Eugenia, were the most important support I had. Week after week they did all they could for making me feel that home was not as far as it actually was. Carlos, Ángela, Daniel, and Camila were always there for reminding me what family love was and how powerful it could be. Megan, with her patient love, her sweet devotion, and her many lessons, was my light in the darkness, the pillar of my sanity, the force behind all my endeavors, and the responsible for most of my accomplishments in the last few years. I do not have words for expressing how much I owe Andrés and his unconditional friendship and loyalty. Thank you all for helping me being the person I am now and achieving all that I have achieved thus far. This accomplishment is as yours as it is mine. vii

Objetivo: el objetivo de este artículo es analizar el discurso político de la Sociedad Unión de Artesanos (1866-1868), en especial la forma como sus miembros entendieron y difundieron las nociones y prácticas del republicanismo. Metodología: se realiza un análisis cualitativo de los 62 números de La Alianza, periódico de la asociación. El análisis de la información retoma las perspectivas de las sociabilidades políticas y los republicanismos subalternos, a la manera de una historia social de la política. Originalidad: el republicanismo de los artesanos colombianos no ha sido juiciosamente estudiado en el contexto de la década de 1860, periodo comúnmente considerado como de adormecimiento del artesanado. Frente a dicho lugar común, este trabajo muestra que los artesanos de ese entonces fueron bastante activos políticamente y procuraron, por múltiples medios, hacerse un lugar en la política como actores legítimos. Conclusiones: el republicanismo de la Unión de Artesanos emergió de los intereses, valores, agendas y experiencias políticas pasadas y presentes de sus miembros. Este descansaba en elementos del discurso político del artesanado de décadas previas, pero también sobre lecturas originales a propósito de lo que debía caracterizar un régimen republicano. El principal rasgo distintivo de este lenguaje fue su insistencia en una ciudadanía genuinamente popular, basada en una práctica política autónoma e independiente de identidades y fidelidades partidistas.

Objective/Context: This article analyzes the nature and operation of bail releases for political prisoners during the War of the Thousand Days (Colombia, 1899-1902), as well as the uses that both detainees and authorities made of them. Methodology: The study reviews material from the Central Archive of Cauca in Popayán and the Historical Archive of Medellín, in order to carry out a quantitative and qualitative analysis of records of political bails from both cities, accompanied by a review of petitions and administrative resolutions associated with such resources. Originality: The article explores a little-studied political-legal mechanism in the context of Colombian civil wars in the nineteenth century: bails or judicial bonds. Additionally, it contributes to the study of a topic that has only recently attracted the attention of historians: treatment of the political opponent through the administration of clemency. Conclusions: Although they represented a way to obtain state clemency, these bails also provided the government with a mechanism to reinforce the submission of dissenters and to produce politically and militarily harmless opponents. Its operation, in fact, was permanently permeated with simultaneous logics of grace, prevention, and punishment.

Las décadas de 1970 y 1980 representaron para Cali un período de gran agitación cultural. Las transformaciones vividas entonces por la ciudad, junto a la creciente intervención de nuevos actores y discursos en su vida artística, propiciaron diversas renovaciones del paisaje artístico caleño y ampliaron los públicos de “lo cultural”. En este proceso jugaron un papel vital las revistas culturales, portavoces de nuevas ideas y contenidos artísticos, y a la vez medios para la popularización de los mismos. El presente artículo pretende examinar esta doble función, con el fin de ilustrar la importancia de estas publicaciones como agentes modernizadores de la cultura local.