Background Research on the social bases of environmental concern has established robust findings across various sociodemographic characteristics. This includes interaction effects between education and political identity, as well as particularly low concern among supporters of President Trump. Objectives Using 2016 survey data, we extend such research to examine U.S. public support for four climate‐change mitigation strategies: investment in renewable energy, lifestyle changes, a revenue‐neutral carbon tax, and cap‐and‐trade. Methods We perform ordered logit regression of belief in anthropogenic climate change and support for these strategies on several key independent variables. Results Support follows some of the patterns expected for environmental concern generally but with new details. Trump support is a dominant predictor, and education × party interactions show significant variations in levels of support. Conclusion This provides important insights for public policy decision making related to climate change by considering which characteristics are most predictive of support for specific strategies.

Climate‐related disasters are becoming increasingly frequent and destructive. These events result in extensive material losses, but also more abstract disruptions, such as those to identity, well‐being, and community. Using transcripts from 24 qualitative interviews with residents of Paradise, California after a wildfire destroyed their town; I consider the changes to residents' physical and social infrastructure. Physical places provide a structure for social life to play out, and their familiarity offers feelings of belonging and security. But, relationships, routines, and personal histories also inscribe meaning and value on these spaces. After disaster, the loss of physical landmarks hinders residents' ability to navigate their community and inhibits social connections that would otherwise offer important supports. At the same time, new meanings become inscribed on existing places, through trauma reminders (which constrain social life) and positive cues from the natural world (which shift meanings from destruction‐ to recovery‐oriented). Because physical places are imbedded in social context, and vice versa, I examine these processes in tandem.

CoNStraINeD FreqUeNCIeS: The Wire aND the LIMItS oF LISteNINg adrienne Brown "the first thing that music is doing, rather than highlighting emotion, it's creating a sense of place. If it's a scene with Michael's crew standing on the corner, we need hip-hop to go in there." these are the words of Blake Leyh, music supervisor for The Wire during the five seasons it aired on hBo between 2002 and 2008. 1 Much has been written about The Wire's use of music and whose music it uses, from critic Jeff Chang's liner notes for the show's first soundtrack in 2008 to the numerous print and radio interviews with Leyh. 2 and the show's music certainly merits this interest: The Wire featured an estimated six hundred separate pieces of music during its five-season run. 3 Further fueling interest in the show's musical practices was the real-life feedback loop that occurred between The Wire and local Baltimore musicians. While the show prided itself on its attention to the specificities of the local, The Wire rarely included any Baltimore hip hop or house music in any of its scenes during its earliest seasons. Despite this slighting, local musicians and producers eagerly expressed their appreciation for The Wire through their music, culminating in the local release of a series of mixtapes titled hamsterdam (2005), a nod to the show's third-season experiment in "legal drug-trafficking zones." Upon hearing these mixtapes, the show's writers attempted to make amends by both incorporating the work of local musicians into its final two seasons and releasing a second official soundtrack titled Beyond hamsterdam: Baltimore Tracks on "The Wire" (2008) to publicize the Baltimore urban music scene, which, despite some high-profile wrangling amongst the pop-music literati about its authenticity and the ethics of its ever-eminent, if perpetually delayed, crossover, had never broken through to the mainstream. 4 the eventual use of Baltimore-based music on the show and its soundtracks, according to Leyh, provided "one more way 'the Wire' [could] give back to Baltimore." 5

In his 1926 essay “criteria of negro art,” W. E. B. Du Bois famously argued that “all art is propaganda and ever must be” (296). Du Bois's reputation as a fiction writer has long suffered because of his unwavering commitment to the propagandistic function of art. The Harlem Renaissance writer Wallace Thurman's 1928 claim that “the artist in him has been stifled in order that the propagandist may survive” (219) would be echoed for decades by critics who continued to view Du Bois's fiction as overly didactic, “insignificant and pallid” (Rigsby i), and bafflingly eccentric. Recently scholars have begun to reverse this disparagement while excavating how Du Bois used fiction to test out and amplify his developing philosophical and sociological positions over the many decades of his career. Du Bois's fantasy story “The Princess Steel,” published for the first time here, provides another opportunity to consider Du Bois as a writer of fiction as well as an enthusiastic reader of genre fiction. This addition to the growing archive of Du Bois's fiction illuminates his use of speculative romance to explain not only the pitfalls of industrial capitalism but also the romantic possibilities of social revolution.

Due to the widespread destruction of the Camp Fire in Paradise, California in November 2018, residents faced long‐term displacement and disruption to community life. In response, digital spaces emerged as an important gathering space for survivors. While research has addressed the role of social media during disasters, less is known about the long‐term uses of digital platforms in post‐disaster recovery. This study presents a content analysis of the use of public Facebook groups created by and for survivors of the Camp Fire approximately 1 year after the event. It examines 480 posts from seven groups during a 2‐week period from November 19, 2019 through December 2, 2019. Users were most often seeking or providing informational support, but they also frequently used the groups for community‐building. Less frequent uses included instrumental, material, and emotional supports. Social media provide an alternative space for these community functions and also enable the recovery of the town itself.