Research background: A series of changes towards the greater openness to the influx of foreign labour force made in recent years in the Russian Federation prompts for analysis of immigration to this country as adopted solutions in the field of the migration policy affect other regions of destination (e.g. EU). Liberalisation of access of migrants to the Russian labour market is a part of a wider problem: competition (on an international scale) for an influx of foreign labour force. In this context, it is worth examining how the crisis which affected the Russian economy influenced the scale of immigration to Russia from the main sending countries, i.e. the countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Purpose of the article: The aim of the article is to show the impact of the crisis which affected the Russian economy in recent years on the scale of immigration from the CIS countries to Russia. The main hypothesis is as follows: the factor explaining immigration from the CIS countries to Russia is the difference in the level of income measured by GDP per capita (PPP) between the sending state and the country of destination. Such studies have not been undertaken so far and, due to the role of factors inherent in the concept of post-imperial migration, it becomes relevant to examine whether the factors shaping migration (including the differences in the level of income) recognised in the neoclassical theory of migration are important in explaining the flows in this area. Methods: In order to check the relationship between immigration and the economic crisis in Russia, the analysis of correlation and regression was used. Findings & Value added: It has been shown that despite the decline in GDP in Russia, immigration from the CIS countries to Russia is not decreasing. Therefore, it is a dependence different from the assumptions of the neoclassical economy according to which the reduction of differences in the level of income between the sending state and the country of destination reduces the scale of international migrations. As it has been shown, the scale of migration to Russia may not be explained by the difference in the level of GDP per capita in all CIS countries and, inter alia, political factors, conflicts or naturalisation processes become more important in shaping the scale of migration to Russia.

Streszczenie: W artykule przedstawiono wpływ kryzysu finansowego w UE na dynamikę i skalę migracji w UE (zarówno obywateli państw UE, jak i migrantów spoza UE). Wykazano, że zgodnie z założeniami neoklasycznej teorii migracji, w okresie recesji, na skutek pogarszającej się sytuacji na rynku pracy, imigracja spadała, a emigracja rosła. Analiza zmian sytuacji na rynku pracy w okresie kryzysu pozwala na wyciągnięcie wniosku, że obcokrajowcy odczuwają silniej negatywne skutki pogarszającej się sytuacji na rynku pracy niż krajowa siła robocza (państwa przyjmującego). W analizie wyróżniono migrantów z państw UE i spoza UE, co pozwoliło zauważyć, że chociaż to imigranci spoza UE odczuli najsilniej skutki kryzysu, to największą mobilnością w latach kryzysu wykazywali się imigranci z UE. Można to próbować wyjaśnić brakiem możliwości wyjazdów i powrotów obywateli spoza UE do państwa przyjmującego po okresie dekoniunktury, możliwość tę mają migranci z UE przemieszczający się w ramach swobody przepływu pracowników.Słowa kluczowe: migracje międzynarodowe, kryzys finansowy, Unia Europejska. Summary:The aim of the paper is to analyse the impact of the financial crisis in the EU on the dynamics and the scale of migration in the EU. The impact of the labour market on immigration during the crisis was assessed with the distinction of the influx of immigrants from EU member states and from outside the EU. Statistical analysis allows to conclude that foreigners were more affected by negative effects of a deteriorating labor market situation than a domestic labor force. Additionally, it has been shown that although immigrants from outside the EU were most affected by the effects of the crisis, immigrants from EU Member States showed the greatest mobility during the crisis years. At the same time, prolonging the analysis period reveals that, in the longer term, the situation in the labor market is less likely to determine immigration to EU.

Purpose: The aim of the paper is to present an original concept of measuring the degree of protectionism (DP) by constructing a synthetic measure of DP on the basis of the Technique for Order Preference by Similarity to the Ideal Solution (TOPSIS). Owing to application of TOPSIS method, another goal was achieved in ranking and classifying EU member states in terms of degree of protectionism. Design/Methodology/Approach: In the study of TOPSIS method, which is a multi-criteria decision-making method that allowed to measure the degree of protectionism, EU member states were investigated. Findings: The results reveal that EU countries were not strongly diversified as regards to DP level (with some exception of Germany and The Netherlands). Furthermore, no EU member states can be qualified as purely liberal nor fully protectionist. The results of the study referring to top protectionist countries reveal some similarities to the results of other classifications based on different methodology. Practical implications: The outcomes of the study might be used by decision-makers in terms of commercial policy, both at the EU institutional level as well as outside this framework-by EU trade partners. Ranking might also serve as an instrument for boosting commercial policy and practices promoting further trade liberalization. Originality/Value: Although there are plenty of papers on protectionism, so far there is no universally accepted method of measuring the phenomenon. Furthermore, the majority of studies focus on tariffs only or selected trade instruments, what brings the risk of underestimation of degree of protectionism, as countries use plenty of different measures in this respect. Thus, in our paper a new approach was proposed. The application of TOPSIS method with data extracted from Global Trade Alert that provides comprehensive list of all diverse trade policy interventions. The paper contains an original authors' concept of measuring DP, which might be also applied to comparisons of EU member states with other countries, thus the paper will contribute to the development of literature.

Local border traffic at the Polish section of the European Union external border as a factor influencing the development of border regions It is in the interest of the European Union and Poland to ensure that the borders with its neighbors are not a barrier to trade, social and cultural interchange or regional cooperation. Such indication was included in the preamble of the Regulation No. 1931/2006 of the European Parliament and of the Council laying down rules on local border traffic at the external land borders of the Member States. The institution of local border traffic is very popular among the citizens of border areas. Thus – in the light of scale of the phenomenon – numerous questions arise: whether (in the economic dimension) the balance of the consequences of the implementation of the agreements on LBT is positive? Does an asymmetry of benefits take place, ie. the implementation of the agreement is more beneficial for one of its sides? Given the above views, the purpose of this article is the assessment of the economic consequences of its implementation (on the background of the prerequisite for the establishment of the LBT).

The refugee crisis in 2015 revealed the lack of solidarity and the divergent migration policies of the EU Member States. It showed clearly that when faced with the problem of migration, the EU countries fail to cooperate and support one another. The EU Member States with more experience with migration coped better and were more open to migrants. The South European countries took in a huge inflow of migrants and expected (in vain) support from other EU members. The countries of Central and Eastern Europe were unwilling to receive refugees. These diverging approaches to refugees presented by particular Member States resulted in the New Pact on Migration and Asylum, which was adopted by the European Commission in September 2020.The purpose of the pact was to provide humanitarian aid to migrants, since one of the human rights is the right to migrate, but it was not its only objective. The New Pact on Migration and Asylum was supposed to be a guarantee of solidarity and efficient management of the migration process.