Satiety—the reduced desire to eat, drink or have sex in their respective aftermath—is particularly important for feeding, where it assists energy balance. During satiety, the anticipated pleasure of eating is far less than the actual pleasure of eating. Here we examine two accounts of this effect: (i) satiety signals inhibit retrieval of pleasant food memories that form desirable images, allowing unpleasant memories into mind; (ii) feelings of fullness reflect what eating would be like now, negating the need for imagery. To test these accounts, participants undertook two tasks pre- and post-lunch: (i) judging desire for palatable foods either with or without imagery impairing manipulations; (ii) explicitly recollecting food memories. Impairing imagery reduced desire equally, when hungry and sated. Food-memory recollections became more negative/less positive when sated, with this correlating with changes in desire. These findings support the first account and suggest imagery is used when hungry and when sated to simulate eating, and that the content of these memory-based simulations changes with state. The nature of this process and its implications for satiety more generally are discussed.

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Hunger is often reported when people experience certain internal sensations (e.g., fatigue) or when they anticipate that a food will be good to eat. The latter results from associative learning, while the former was thought to signal an energy deficit. However, energy-deficit models of hunger are not well supported, so if interoceptive hungers are not "fuel gauges," what are they? We examined an alternate perspective, where internal states signaling hunger, which are quite diverse, are learned during childhood. A basic prediction from this idea is offspring-caregiver similarity, which should be evident if caregivers teach their child the meaning of internal hunger cues. We tested 111 university student offspring-primary caregiver pairs, by having them complete a survey about their internal hunger states, alongside other information that may moderate this relationship (i.e., gender, body mass index, eating attitudes, and beliefs about hunger). We observed substantial similarity between offspring-caregiver pairs (Cohen's ds from 0.33 to 1.55), with the main moderator being beliefs about an energyneeds model of hunger, which tended to increase similarity. We discuss whether these findings may also reflect heritable influences, the form that any learning might take, and the implications for child feeding practices.

Interoceptive individual differences have garnered interest because of their relationship with mental health. One type of individual difference that has received little attention is variability in the sensation/s that are understood to mean a particular interoceptive state, something that may be especially relevant for hunger. We examined if interoceptive hunger is multidimensional and idiosyncratic, if it is reliable, and if it is linked to dysfunctional eating and beliefs about the causes of hunger. Participants completed a survey just before a main meal, with most retested around 1 month later. We found that interoceptive hunger has 11 dimensions, and while people differ considerably in their combinations of interoceptive hungers, these represent only 4% of all possible permutations. Hunger reports were reliable. We found relationships between variability in hunger interoception and dysfunctional eating, especially for uncontrolled eating. We also found that hunger beliefs were in some cases strongly related to aspects of hunger interoception. The implications of these findings are discussed.