No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, transmitted in any form or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without either the prior written permission of the publisher or a licence permitting restricted copying issued in the UK by The Copyright Licensing Agency and in the USA by The Copyright Clearance Center. Any opinions expressed in the chapters are those of the authors. Whilst Emerald makes every effort to ensure the quality and accuracy of its content, Emerald makes no representation implied or otherwise, as to the chapters' suitability and application and disclaims any warranties, express or implied, to their use.

Sažetak: Proizvodnja i promet tekstila -tekstilna, odnosno modna industrija su među vodećim zagađivačima životne sredine o kom se ne govori dovoljno dok podaci govore da su i radnici u proizvodnji tekstila izloženi opasnim hemikalijama i procesima opasnim po zdravlje, kao i krajnji korisnici. Od svih hemikalija proizvedenih širom sveta, približno 25 procenata se koristi u tekstilnoj industriji. Samo u tekstilnoj industriji, koja predstavlja preko 40 procenata globalne proizvodnja, Kina koristi oko 42 posto svetskih tekstilnih hemikalija. Privreda može da pomogne u smanjenju i zagađenja i potrošnje energije koju ova industrija stvara. Potrošači širom sveta koji imaju svest o štetnim uticajima ove industrije menjaju svoje navike i pridružuju se pokretu spora moda što direktno utiče na smanjenje njenih štetnih uticaja.

The territory of the former Yugoslavia (within all of its structures and forms during the second half of the 20Č century - from FPRY, SFRY, FRY, to Serbia and Montenegro) was the subject of more or less intensive external and internal migrations. The first larger wave of emigration occurred immediately after the end of World War II, mostly due to the political events in the country that concerned ideological orientation of national-liberation war winners. In most cases, the furthest destinations of these emigrants were overseas countries. The remoteness of the new "homelands", among other reasons, made these relocations permanent. In the beginning of 1960's a new wave of mass immigrations occurred due to the "liberation" of Yugoslavia's economy and politics, and the need of labor force in the countries of Western Europe. These were the economic, so-called labor-migrations that were supposed to have a temporary character. During the period of 1964-1973, Yugoslav citizens living in Western European countries numbered approximately one million and one hundred thousand, out of which two-fifths were Serbs. In the mid 1970's, a migration trend seemed to slightly decline, only to increase again in the 1980's, and especially during the 1990's, however with the new socio-economic-political background and different characteristics than the preceding ones. It could be argued though, that these new migrations of Yugoslav citizens sum up all the characteristics of the preceding ones, being, at the same time, very dramatic in nature considering that the migrations were most of the time the only available option for emigrants. In general, these migrations are characterized by relocation of whole families, absence of a long-term plan considering the future (duration of stay, return to the home country), money investment in the home country, and relatively high although diverse educational level. Actually, based on comparison between censuses in 1981 and 1991, it is evident that in 1991 more people with a high school diploma gymnasium, higher and academic education have left the country than in 1981. The available data from 2001 census consist only of a relative number of Yugoslav citizens living abroad, around 400,000, but this number does not include citizens from Kosovo and Metohija, or Montenegro. Only when the final census data come out, will it be possible to analyze and compare migrations from 1991 -2001, although considering census gathering and its limitations, it is clear that many trends will remain hidden

Intensive development of socialist society, which started immediately after Second World War, proceeded simultaneously on two mutually conditional tracks: on material and ideological. In certain way, both were based on the critique of traditional social concept: starting from its economic and all the way to value characteristics under all encompassing parole of "modernization". The policy of transformation was mostly based on certain number of dichotomies that expressed the difference between past and preferred social forms and contents. Past, which was defined as old, regressive, conservative, patriarchal, alienated should be replaced by preferred, that is, by new, progressive, modern, egalitarian, democratic, free... The mainstay of the past was village, agrarian family, while the mainstay of the preferred was, as it appeared later, urban type family. Modernization implied economic restructuring of the state through the process of intensive industrialization and consequently, urbanization while "non-material" discourse of changes was dominated by the idea of democratization of society, that is, a specific ideology of "freedom" that had to be won on all instances of social reality. In-alienation of society was proclaimed as the highest ideal of the new order, which should be achieved by the emancipation of its members from all types of coercion-from work, through moral and up to religious coercion. Even though there is a prevailing viewpoint in scientific literature about the conditionality of social transformations by economic and technological factors and "progress", I think that it can be rightly said that this process was primarily of "spiritual" nature, that is, that its main mover and trigger was the process of atheism of the society. Development of modern society (not only in Serbia) meant in fact its de-Christianization and secularization, where "freedom" from God and "coercions" contained in the religious view of the world became precondition for accepting all others

And although the development and spreading of the idea of cremation, as well as mentioned laws, could be seen as the beginning of secularization of death death has remained, for a long time, closely associated with this or that religious beliefs and practice. Still, the development of the idea of cremation during the 20th century testifies on changes related to understanding of death among the contemporary, especially urban population in Serbia. This is particularly true for Belgrade and Novi Sad, although some other areas seem to be accepting new ideas and practices. The paper illustrates the development of the idea, its latent and real content, symbols used during its promotion. The accent is put on an ideological polarization that came about as a result of the development of cremation