This paper aims at showing a state of the art about digital citizenship from the methodological point of view when it comes to measuring this construct. The review of the scientific literature offers at least ten definitions and nine different scales of measurement. The comparative and diachronic analysis of the content of the definitions shows us two conceptions of digital citizenship, some more focused on digital competences and others on critical and activist aspects. This paper replicates and compares three scales of measurement of digital citizenship selected for their relevance and administered in a sample of 366 university students, to analyze their psychometric properties and the existing coincidences and divergences between the three. The most outstanding conclusion is that not all of them seem to measure the same construct, due to its diversity of dimensions. An online activism dimension needs to be incorporated if digital citizenship is to be measured. There is an urgent need to agree internationally on a definition of digital citizenship with its corresponding dimensions to elaborate a reliable and valid measuring instrument.

The present article is about Niqabi women belonging to the private Telegram instant messaging channel Orgullo Niqabi (Spanish for ‘Niqabi Pride’). More specifically, our main objective is to explain what they are demanding, how they articulate their demands through that channel, and why they use it for communicating and to organize their actions. Said demands are mainly linked to their recognition as autonomous and political individuals within the different contexts in which they find themselves. First, our analysis will focus on categorizing their social and political demands for being recognized, not only as Muslims, but also as autonomous, independent, and political beings. Second, we intend to explain how those demands, expressed in the virtual world, are articulated in specific actions in the different societies and social contexts in which these women live. To this end, this article analyzes, following the procedures of the Grounded Theory, the discourses obtained through 27 in depth interviews conducted in the first half of the year 2019. The strength of this research lies in overcoming the difficult access to these women and their discourses as well as in clarifying who they are, what they are demanding from the societies in which they live, how and why they are virtually grouped and the consequences of their virtual grouping in the different societies in which each of them lives.

The fifth wave and latest European Values Study offers once again the opportunity to analyze the values, beliefs, opinions, attitudes and behaviors of European societies. One of the challenges facing the European Union is the political violence manifested in the emergence of the extreme right (Rydgren, 2018), radical protests (Rak, 2018) or fundamentalist terrorisms (Sageman, 2017). Although violence is increasingly studied, it is very difficult to define especially when it responds to collective actors or social groups, however, we can agree that political violence is the violent action of organized groups to modify power structures (Moreno, 2009). In this communication we intend to carry out a descriptive and explanatory approach to the justification of political violence (within question 44 of the European Values Study). Within the set of explanatory variables, we will dwell on the role played by religion in its different aspects (importance of religion and god, belonging to religious organizations, religious practice, religious confession, trust in other religions, etc.

The present paper addresses the motives that make some inhabitants of the Spanish province of Granada that converted to Islam leave it after some time. We have approached this reality using grounded theory and conducting nineteen in-depth interviews. Two of the main conclusions are that all interviewees were under great pressure due to the expectations that Muslims they interacted with—partners, family, people from Muslim associations or internet groups, etc.—had of them, and that said expectations were based on interpretations of a fundamentalist nature. Additionally, the fact that these people left Islam makes it evident that their existence is grounded in a ‘self’ under constant construction and open to the possibility of starting to be, continuing to be, or changing depending on their personal choice.

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