Recent reviews of intervention efforts aimed at ending female genital cutting (FGC) have concluded that progress to date has been slow, and call for more efficient programs informed by theories on behavior change. Social convention theory, first proposed by Mackie (1996), posits that in the context of extreme resource inequality, FGC emerged as a means of securing a better marriage by signaling fidelity, and subsequently spread to become a prerequisite for marriage for all women. Change is predicted to result from coordinated abandonment in intermarrying groups so as to preserve a marriage market for uncircumcised girls. While this theory fits well with many general observations of FGC, there have been few attempts to systematically test the theory. We use data from a three year mixed-method study of behavior change that began in 2004 in Senegal and The Gambia to explicitly test predictions generated by social convention theory. Analyses of 300 in-depth interviews, 28 focus group discussions, and survey data from 1220 women show that FGC is most often only indirectly related to marriageability via concerns over preserving virginity. Instead we find strong evidence for an alternative convention, namely a peer convention. We propose that being circumcised serves as a signal to other circumcised women that a girl or woman has been trained to respect the authority of her circumcised elders and is worthy of inclusion in their social network. In this manner, FGC facilitates the accumulation of social capital by younger women and of power and prestige by elder women. Based on this new evidence and reinterpretation of social convention theory, we suggest that interventions aimed at eliminating FGC should target women’s social networks, which are intergenerational, and include both men and women. Our findings support Mackie’s assertion that expectations regarding FGC are interdependent; change must therefore be coordinated among interconnected members of social networks.
This operations research project evaluated the effect and impact of a basic education program, developed by TOSTAN, a non-governmental organization based at Thiès, Senegal. The basic education program consists of four modules: hygiene, problem solving, women's health, and human rights. Through these four themes, emphasis was placed on enabling the participants, who were mostly women, to analyze their own situation more effectively and thus find the best solutions for themselves. The Supra Regional Project for the Elimination of Female Genital Cutting of GTZ funded implementation of the program in 90 villages in Kolda Region, and the Population Council's Frontiers in Reproductive Health Program, with funding from USAID, used this opportunity to evaluate the program in 20 villages.All women and men participating in the education program were interviewed before and after the intervention, and again two years later, to measure women's and men's awareness, attitudes and behavior concerning reproductive health (RH) and female genital cutting (FGC). A group of women and men from 20 similar villages that did not receive the education program were interviewed at the same time to serve as a comparison group. To test the impact of the program on community members' willingness to abandon FGC, the proportion of respondents' daughters aged 0 to 10 years whose parents reported they had been cut was used as the primary outcome indicator.The education program significantly increased the awareness of women and men about human rights, gender-based violence, FGC and reproductive health, but awareness of human rights, violence and FGC also increased in the comparison site, although to a lesser extent. The consequences of FGC were better known, as were issues concerning contraception, pregnancy surveillance and child survival. In general, women's knowledge improved more than men's, except for STI/HIV. Diffusion of information from the education program within villages worked well, as other women and men living in the intervention villages also increased their knowledge on most indicators. For all indicators, apart from those concerning violence, the experimental group improved significantly more than the comparison group.Attitudes improved significantly in the experimental group, with women and men denouncing discrimination, violence and FGC. Attitudes towards FGC also improved significantly in the comparison group, but to a lesser extent than in the experimental group. There was a dramatic decrease in the approval of FGC, although a small proportion of women (16%) participating in the program did not change their attitude. Regret for having cut their daughters increased and fewer women were willing to cut their daughters in the future. Women perceived men's attitudes towards contraception as improving. However, the intervention group showed higher levels of positive attitudes than the comparison group.There also appears to have been a positive improvement in behavior in terms of FGC and some aspects of reproductive health. The preval...
Social norms theory has become prominent framework for understanding the perpetuation of female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C), and has influenced the design of interventions aimed at stopping the practice. Theoretical advances draw attention to the fact that FGM/C is often upheld by multiple interconnected norms that may vary and shift over time, offering a potential resource for social transformation. Analyzing focus group data from Senegambian women, the questions we explore are: What are the constellation of norms associated with FGM/C? When are existing practices and norms being contested, and how does this reflect prevailing structures of power and authority? Our research identifies four overarching themes: 1) pressure to conform with FGM/C arising from sanctions such as ostracization, and moral norms linked to the embodiment of virtue; 2) upholding tradition as a means of venerating ancestors; 3) upholding social hierarchy by displaying respect for elders; and 4) shifting beliefs about the healthful vs. harmful nature of FGM/C. While strong value is placed on upholding tradition, there is also an appreciation that elements of tradition must be revised to meet fluctuating realities, including the novel threat of HIV infection. Moreover, older women are uniquely positioned to realize the dual goal of honoring tradition while negotiating change. Rather than resisting change, we find that some older women express an openness to reassessing norms and practices as they seek solutions to maintaining the physical well-being, moral integrity and cultural identity of girls in their families. Moreover, given the authority of older women over younger women, they also have power to negotiate change. By recognizing older women as potential change leaders, and drawing on variability and fluidity in social norms, it may be increasingly possible to design interventions that will shape possibilities for action and accelerate abandonment of FGM/C without undermining the cultural value of tradition.
Although the international community has recently promoted legislation as an important reform strategy for ending female genital cutting (FGC), there exist divergent views on its potential effects. Supporters argue that legal prohibition of FGC has a general deterrent effect, while others argue legislation can be perceived as coercive, and derail local efforts to end the practice. This study examines the range of responses observed in rural Senegal, where a 1999 anti-FGC law was imposed on communities in which the practice was being actively contested and targeted for elimination. Drawing on data from a mixed-methods study, we analyze responses in relation to two leading theories on social regulation, the law and economics and law and society paradigms, which make divergent predictions on the interplay between social norms and legal norms. Among supporters of FGC, legal norms ran counter to social norms, and did little to deter the practice, and in some instances incited reactance or drove the practice underground. Conversely, where FGC was being contested, legislation served to strengthen the stance of those contemplating or favoring abandonment. We conclude that legislation can complement other reform strategies by creating an “enabling environment” that supports those who have or wish to abandon FGC.
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