Changes in land use and land cover (LULC) are the leading contributors to the decline and loss of ecosystem services in the world. The present study covered the Central Rift Valley lakes basin in Ethiopia, focusing on the valley floor and the East and West escarpments, to analyze changes in LULC and to estimate associated losses in ecosystem service values (ESVs). Covering both upstream and downstream areas in the basin, the study addressed major gaps in existing studies by connecting the sources and sinks of material (e.g., sediment and water) in source-to-lake systems. Additionally, the study facilitated the identification of critical areas for conserving natural resources and reversing the decline of associated ESVs in the Central Rift Valley. A post-classification comparison approach was used to detect LULC changes between 1973 and 2020 using four Landsat images from 1973, 1990, 2005 and 2020. The value transfer valuation method was used to estimate the changes in ESVs due to LULC changes. Among the seven major identified LULC classes, farmlands, settlements, and bare lands showed positive changes, while forestlands, grasslands, shrublands and waterbodies showed negative changes over the last 47 years. The expansion of farmlands, for example, has occurred at the expense of grasslands, forestlands and shrublands. The changes in LULC over a period of 47 years resulted in a total loss of US $62,110.4 × 106 in ESVs. The contributors to the overall loss of ESVs in decreasing order are provisioning services (US $33,795.1 × 106), cultural services (US $28,981.5 × 106) and regulating services (US $652.9 × 106). The results imply that addressing the degradation of land and water resources is crucial to reversing the loss of ecosystem services and achieving the national Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) related to food and water security (SDGs 2 and 6) and life on land (SDG 15).

The vast majority of farmers in the drylands are resource-poor smallholders, whose livelihoods depend heavily on their farming systems. Therefore, increasing the resilience of these smallholders is vital for their prosperity. This study quantified household resilience and identified livelihoods and their influence on resilience in the semiarid tropics of India by analysing 684 households. A resilience capacity index was devised based on the composition of household food and non-food expenditure, cash savings, and food and feed reserves. The index ranged from 8.4 reflecting highly resilient households with access to irrigation characteristics, to -3.7 for households with highly limited resilience and low household assets. The livelihoods were identified through multivariate analysis on selected socioeconomic and biophysical variables; households were heterogeneous in their livelihoods. Irrigated livestock and rainfed marginal types had the highest and lowest resilience capacity index with the mean score of 0.69 and −1.07, respectively. Finally, we quantified the influence of livelihood strategies on household resilience. Household resilience was strengthened by the possession of livestock, crop diversification and access to irrigation. Low resilience is predominantly caused by low household assets. The resilience capacity index and derived livelihood strategies helps to understand the complexity of household resilience, and will aid in targeting technology interventions for development.

In Ethiopia, the average yield of potato is far below the potential due to different problems like in low soil fertility. Hence, this research was done to evaluate the effects of blended NPS fertilizer rates on yield and yield components of potato. The study was conducted at Abaso Kotu, Dessie Zuria district, Ethiopia, during dry season of 2015. The experiment was consisted a factorial combination of two late maturing potato varieties (Belete and Local) and six NPS fertilizer rates (0:0 (T1),

People hold "values" and express "value." Values are constructed through the acquisition of knowledge and reflection on that knowledge. Values vary between cultures and over time, although core shared values seem to exhibit some common characteristics. Value can be defined as worth, merit, or desirability of something assessed in terms of how much of one good or service a person is willing to give up gaining another good or servicing. Definition of water values depends on who defines it. It also depends on the context and the entities involved. Different viewpoints can result in divergent values ascribed to water. However, there may be interconnections between the various perspectives and the values attributed to the water in question. Ecological values include conservation and existence values. The ecosystem services of water provide numerous values derived from the associated benefits such as waste assimilation and ability to carry away residuals from processes of human production and consumption. Economic values are assessed in economic terms or the consumptive, productive, and employment use or potential. Sociocultural values can be identified as intrinsic, instrumental, and relational values. Intrinsic value reflects the sense of value that exists independently of human valuation. The instrumental value reflects how a water ecosystem and its services directly contribute to the beneficiary's wellbeing. Relational values are about the way people relate to nature. It is associated with meaningful and just human-environment relationships. The values that people hold can be multidimensional (ecological, economic, and sociocultural) or "plural." People may also hold multiple different values. Values are often incommensurable, where it is unhelpful or impossible to make comparisons between values. The values that cannot be seen or touched are intangible values. For example, water intangible values include its spiritual values. Worldwide, the essence of spiritual value of water is that it is a force of life, often representing the presence of a higher power. There are two main reasons that water serves as a central place in the practices and beliefs of many religions. First, it cleanses and washes away impurities and

Scaling is a ubiquitous concept in agricultural research in the global south as donors require their research grantees to prove that their results can be scaled to impact upon the livelihoods of a large number of beneficiaries. Recent studies on scaling have brought critical perspectives to the rather technocratic tendencies in the agricultural innovations scaling literature. Drawing on theoretical debates on spatial strategies and practical experience of agricultural innovation scaling in Ethiopia, this paper adds to the current debate on what constitutes scaling and how to overcome critical scaling constraints. The data for the paper came from a qualitative assessment using focus group discussions, key informant interviews, and document analysis on scaling work done in Ethiopia by a USAID-funded research for development project. The paper concludes with four broad lessons for the current understating of agricultural innovation scaling. First, scaling of agricultural innovations requires a balanced focus on technical requirements and associated social dynamics surrounding scaling targets, actors involved and their social relations. Second, appreciating the social dynamics of scaling emphasizes the fact that scaling is more complex than a linear rolling out of innovations towards diffusion. Third, scaling may not be strictly planned; instead, it might be an extension of the innovation generation process that relies heavily on both new and long-term relationships with key partners, trust, and continuous reflection and learning. Fourth, the overall implication of the above three conclusions is that scaling strategies need to be flexible, stepwise, and reflective. Despite the promises of flourishing scaling frameworks, scaling strategies it would appear from the Africa RISING experience that, if real impact is to be achieved, approaches will be required to be flexible enough to manage the social, processual and emergent nature of the practice of scaling.