Cesarean sections have been associated in the literature with poorer newborn health, particularly with a higher incidence of respiratory morbidity. Most studies suffer, however, from potential omitted variable bias, as they are based on simple comparisons of mothers who give birth vaginally and those who give birth by cesarean section. We try to overcome this limitation and provide credible causal evidence by using variation in the probability of having a c-section that is arguably unrelated to maternal and fetal characteristics: variation by time of day. Previous literature documents that, while nature distributes births and associated problems uniformly, time-dependent variables related to physicians' demand for leisure are significant predictors of unplanned c-sections. Using a sample of public hospitals in Spain, we show that the rate of c-sections is higher during the early hours of the night compared to the rest of the day, while mothers giving birth at the different times are similar in observable characteristics. This exogenous variation provides us with a new instrument for type of birth: time of delivery. Our results suggest that non-medically indicated c-sections have a negative and significant impact on newborn health, as measured by Apgar scores, but that the effect is not severe enough to translate into more extreme outcomes.
We provide novel evidence on the impact of a child's health shock on parental labor market outcomes. To identify the causal effect, we leverage long panels of high-quality Finnish and Norwegian administrative data and exploit variation in the timing of the health shock. We do this by comparing parents across families in similar parental and child age cohorts whose children experienced a health shock at different ages. We show that these families have very similar characteristics and were following parallel trends before the event. This allows us to use a simple difference-in-differences model: we construct counterfactuals for treated households with families who experience the same shock a few years later. We find a sharp break in parents' earnings trajectories that becomes visible just after the shock. The negative effect is persistent and stronger for mothers than for fathers. We also document a substantial impact on parents' mental well-being. Our results suggest that the effect on maternal labor earnings results from the combination of the increased time needed to care for the child and the worsening of mothers' mental health.
conferences for their comments and suggestions. We are extremely grateful to Ritva Hurskainen and Soile Kivijärvi from Hyvinkää Maternity Hospital for introducing us to the daily routines of a modern labor ward.
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