This paper offers a diachronic and a contact-based analysis of existential, locative, possessive, and copulative constructions in Malabar Indo-Portuguese creole (MIP). The existential, locative, and possessive predicates are all expressed with the copulative verb tæ, and nominal and property-denoting predicates can either have the copula tæ or zero copula. I analyze these copulative constructions by establishing their sources in the Portuguese lexifier and Malayalam substrate/adstrate. I show that although the Portuguese verbs ter ‘have’ and estar ‘be’ have paved the way to the semantics of tæ, Malayalam had a strong impact on the morphosyntax and semantics of existential, locative, possessive, and copulative constructions in MIP. This influence is most notable in the case of possessives, which take dative subjects. These findings are compared to the relevant structures in other South Asian languages and show that the existence of locative possession is a strong areal feature of South Asia. I also show that the variability of copula usage in nominal and property-denoting predicates can be explained by variable input from Portuguese and Malayalam copulative constructions. One of the most salient features influenced by Malayalam is the choice of what are etymologically Portuguese nouns instead of adjectives in property-denoting predicates.

Temporal clauses with the subordinators kandə (< Portuguese quando) and k(w)a in Malabar Indo-Portuguese creole (MIP) are used to express any kind of temporal relation between two clauses, typically sequence or simultaneity. These temporal clauses are ubiquitous in contexts in which Portuguese, the lexifier of MIP, could not employ temporal quando clauses. In this paper, I show that the morphosyntax and semantics of temporal clauses with kandə and k(w)a in MIP differ from corresponding Portuguese strategies, and that these differences can be explained by the influence of Malayalam (Dravidian), the substrate and adstrate language of MIP. One of the most salient properties of Malayalam adverbial subordination present in MIP is clause chaining. I position this study within the debate on creole exceptionalism, and show that the South Asian typological profile of MIP can only be explained within the view that language ecology determines the typology of a creole (Ansaldo 2009).

The question of whether irrealis is a meaningful concept in crosslinguistic comparison has been the subject of long-standing controversy. In this article, we argue that the semantic domain of irreality is split into two domains-the possible and the counterfactual-and that an 'irrealis' marker in a given language may refer either to only one of these domains or to both. A significant part of the crosslinguistic variation in what is referred to by the term irrealis can be traced back to this distinction. Other factors that obscure the realis/irrealis divide include functional subdivisions of the irrealis domain and paradigmatic competition within the TAM system of a language. We conclude that 'irrealis' is a crosslinguistically meaningful notion.

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