This paper investigates the semantics of deÞnite and indeÞnite generic expressions in BrazilianPortuguese (BP) -singular and plural deÞnite generics, generic indeÞnites, bare numberless and bare plurals. It also addresses the differences among the interpretations of the three indeÞnite generic nominals. The background assumptions are: (i) natural languages make use of both kind-referring expressions and generic quantiÞcation to express genericity (see Krifka et al. (1995)); (ii) indeÞnites are variables (see Heim (1982)). I show that in BP singular and plural deÞnite generics are kind-referring expressions, whereas indeÞnite generics are heimian indeÞnites participating on generic quantiÞcation.The paper claims that common nouns in BP are number-neutral. They denote both atomic and plural individuals. To account for the fact that number morphology has semantic import in BP, I argue that number morphemes are operators on noun phrase denotations in this language. When the SING(ular) operator applies to a NP, the result is a set of atomic individuals. When the PL(ural) operator applies to a NP, its denotation is stripped of its atomic entities. The different interpretations of indeÞnites arise through the interaction of the denotation of common nouns, the semantics of number operators and generic quantiÞcation.

This paper investigates what the semantics of generic sentences in Brazilian

This article investigates the expression of genericity in Brazilian Portuguese. Its theoretical background is the analysis of kind referring expressions as proper names of kinds (cf. Carlson 1977a, b, 1982) and of generically quantified sentences as sentences under the scope of a generic dyadic operator (cf. Carlson 1989 and Krifka et al. 1995). Two basic claims are made: (i) the canonic way of expression kind denotation in Brazilian Portuguese is the definite generic and (ii) the generic indefinite and the bare singular are only ‘normal’ indefinite phrases under the scope of a generic operator.

This paper investigates the semantics of bare nominals (BNs) in Brazilian and in European Portuguese. More specifically, it addresses the constraints regarding their occurrence and interpretation in these languages, and evaluates their implications for the Nominal Mapping Parameter as proposed in Chierchia 1998. Chierchia's typology provides the theoretical background against which we investigate the matter. The paper claimscontra Chierchia that count BNs may be argumental without denoting kinds. We also claim that the denotation of common nouns and Noun Phrases may vary from one language to the other and that this variation can explain typological differences across languages.