Implementation of the Presumption of Innocence by journalists has implications for the occurrence of trial by the press and potentially impacts social disharmony. This study aims to explain the interpretation of the presumption of innocence in journalism, and the understanding and application of the presumption of innocence by online media journalists. This research uses qualitative methods by utilizing two data collection techniques. Firstly, documentation that collects some related research about the Journalistic Codes of Ethics of the Press Council, PWI and AJI. Secondly, in-depth interviews with four online media journalists. The result shows that the literal interpretation of the presumption of innocence is a principle not to judge someone even though it is side by side with the principle of objectivity, covering both sides, mention of identity, and legal grammar. Online media journalists have a collective understanding of the presumption of innocence. However, the journalists have an authentic understanding that causes the different implementation of the presumption of innocence. Moreover, demands for faster news production, media agency policies, and personal interest from journalists also impact partial implementation. This research contributes by forming a model for applying the presumption of innocence for online media journalists to avoid trial by the press.

This study aims to reveal how satirical political communication by three kinds ofsocial media accounts that have a large followers in Indonesia in the theme of the 2019 Presidential Election. Using Van Dijk’s critical discourse analysis model, this study uncovered the discourse that underlies criticism of candidates for presidential and vice-presidential candidates 2019 on Youtube, Facebook, and Twitter. The research found Prabowo vs. Jokowi’s rap battle by skinnyindonesia24, nurhadi_aldo’s Instagram account, and #2019GantiPresiden as the most prominent accounts that distributed satire political communication. The owner of a social media account produces messages based on a lively and controversial issue on social media. Account #2019GantiPresiden even tendsto criticize incumbent candidates because they see that the mainstream media does not do its role. Nurhadi_aldo’s account manager sees sharp polarization between supporters of two pairs and tends to criticize controversial incumbent candidate programs. Skinnyindonesia24 reduces the polarization that is getting stronger by more balanced criticizing the competition of two presidential candidates through rap music. This study convinces that the nature of satirical political communication work efficiently because the content does not cross agreed-upon political boundaries and cultural spaces.Fokus penelitian ini ada pada komunikasi politik yang terjadi di platform media sosial selama pemilihan presiden 2019 di Indonesia. Menggunakan model analisis wacana kritis Van Dijk, penelitian ini mengungkap wacana yang mendasari kritik terhadap calon pasangan president dan wakil presiden 2019 di Facebook, Twitter, dan Youtube. Hasil penelitian menemukan pertarungan rap Prabowo vs Jokowi oleh skinnyindonesia24, akun Instagram nurhadi_aldo,dan #2019GantiPresiden sebagai akun paling menonjol yang mendistribusikan komunikasi politik sindiran. Sindiran dan humor dapat menjadi bentuk komunikasi politik bagi publik untuk mengritisi kandidat dengan aman. Pemilik akun media sosial memproduksi pesan berdasarkan isu yang ramai dan kontroversial di media sosial. Akun #2019GantiPresiden bahkan cenderung mengritisi kandidat petahana karena melihat tidak netralnya media mainstream dalam memberitakan para kandidat. Pengelola akun nurhadi_aldo melihat polarisasi yang tajam di antara pendukung dua pasangan dan cenderung mengritisi program-program kandidat petahana yang kontroversi. Uskinnyindonesia24 meredam polarisasi yang semakin kuat dengan lebih seimbang mengritisi persaingan dua kandidat calon presiden melalui musik rap. Studi ini menunjukkan bahwa sifat komunikasi politik satir memungkinkan untuk bekerja secara efisien karena konten dan kemasan ide tidak melewati batas politik yang disepakati dan ruang budaya.

This article aims to describe in detail the social media influence on a shift towards journalistic practices in Malang Raya. Through observation and in-depth interviews to journalists of Malang Voice, Surya Malang, Times Indonesia, and Campus Info, this study has concluded that there has been a

This paper aims to present about media literacy movements and education carried out by the Children's Media Development Foundation (YPMA) with a perspective on media political economy studies. YPMA was chosen as the object of research because it is widely known as an institution that concentrates and is consistent in the development of child literacy in Indonesia. This paper focuses on the strategy of movement and media literacy education carried out by YPMA during the period 2006 to 2016. The method used is qualitative with descriptive research type. It is known that YPMA has a target in every program implementation is at the age of children and adolescents. Therefore, YPMA devised several strategies such as socialization and campaigns through schools and other educational institutions, held training for teachers, and emphasized the involvement of parents as a significant other in media literacy education. Abstrak:Paper ini bermaksud untuk memaparkan dan menganalisis gerakan dan pendidikan literasi media yang dilakukan oleh Yayasan Pengembangan Media Anak (YPMA) dengan perspektif kajian ekonomi politik media. Dipilihnya YPMA sebagai objek penelitian karena dikenal luas sebagai lembaga yang berkonsentrasi dan konsisten dalam pengembangan literasi anak di Indonesia. Paper ini difokuskan pada strategi gerakan dan pendidikan literasi media yang dijalankan oleh YPMA selama kurun waktu 2006 hingga 2016. Adapun pendekatan yang dipilih adalah metode kualitatif dengan tipe penelitian deskriptif. Diketahui bahwa YPMA memiliki target sasaran dalam setiap pelaksanaan programnya adalah pada usia anak dan remaja. Karenanya, YPMA menyusun beberapa strategi seperti sosialisasi dan kampanye melalui sekolah serta lembaga-lembaga pendidikan lainnya, menyelenggarakan pelatihan bagi guru, serta menekankan keterlibatkan orang tua sebagai significant other dalam pendidikan literasi media. Kata kunci: Literasi Media, YPMA, Ekonom Politik Pendahuluan Pendidikan literasi media dewasa ini menjadi perhatian yang sangat penting di Indonesia. Pasalnya, semakin banyaknya masyarakat yang memiliki akses mudah dalam mengkonsumsi berbagai media menjadi penyebab utama (Oxstrand, 2009). Situasi ini didukung oleh perkembangan teknologi yang kian pesat dan maju, menyebabkan media telah menjadi alat yang tersedia dan dapat diakses dengan mudah oleh semua lapisan

The government policy to switch off analog television at the end of 2022 (Analog Switch Off-ASO) still presents problems for non-NBS (Networked Broadcast System) private local television operators and the public. Related issues include many people requiring to purchase Set Top Boxes to access the digital broadcasts. Non-NBS private local television stations have to pay multiplexer rental fees, which are more expensive than previous analog television operation costs. This study aims to reveal the dynamics of non-NBS private local television management in East Java from the perspective of the media economy. This study uses an exploratory qualitative method with three data collection techniques: indepth interviews with three non-NBS private television managers, an FGD with local television managers and East Java KPID, and documentation of ASO regulations. The results show that non-NBS private television stations have limited content production ability, both in terms of the quantity and quality of human resources. Non-NBS private television operators are still determining if the public can access digital TV broadcasts, so they must do simulcasts with the consequence that operational costs must increase significantly. While digital broadcasting does not necessarily bring in advertisements, analog broadcasts must continue to run to maintain public trust; non-NBS private local television stations are faced with the choice of increasing revenue or stop broadcasting altogether. Ultimately, the managers of non-NBS television stations in East Java must developed other sources of income based on the uniqueness of their audience.