This article studies whether export supporting activities developed by Portuguese diplomatic representations in the last decade have had any impact on Portugal's international trade. It used data for 187 destination countries, for the period of 2008 to 2017, controlling for other determinants of trade through a gravity model. Complementing the econometric analysis of the macro data, a survey was applied to 238 Portuguese exporting firms. The results imply a less relevant role for embassies and consulates in export promotion and facilitation. These results highlight the necessity to change the way that national diplomatic representations interact with exporting firms, in particular SMEs.

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The 1976 Portuguese Constitution implemented a hybrid government system known as semi-presidential. This modality combines characteristics from the two more conventional systems: the presidential and the parliamentarian. In this context, the selection of the Prime-Minister does not directly come from the voters. Instead, it results from the Presidential nomination bearing in consideration the results of the legislative elections. Furthermore, it also lacks the majoritarian support from the National Parliament. Hence, the government becomes an organ political accountable before the President and the Parliament. The current Parliament was elected on October 4, 2015. Yet, the electoral results were striking, as they allowed more than one possibility for the formation of the Portuguese government, including post-electoral partisan agreements, which was an unprecedent situation in the country. The present paper aims to describe the electoral process referred to above, through factual analysis and its constitutional framework.

Учитывая большой спад мировой экономики, несколько государств через своих правителей, стремясь к повышению экономических показателей через приучаемую гонку за результатами, в конечном итоге нарушают различные права человека, в том числе социальные права, пользующиеся международной защитой. Этот необузданный поиск экономической стабильности на основе быстрого роста находится в конфликте с трудовым законодательством, которое систематически страдает от ряда нарушений, освященных не только во внутреннем праве, но и в международном праве. Нынешняя работа направлена на тщательный анализ с целью демонстрации таких нарушений прав, уже закрепленных на международном уровне в связи с пандемией коронавируса и возможной международной ответственности государства за такое поведение на основе международной защиты прав человека.

Considerando a grande recessão da economia mundial, diversos estados por meio de seus governantes, visando o aumento dos índices econômicos por meio de uma corrida ávida por resultados, acabam violando diversos direitos humanos, passando por cima inclusive de direitos sociais que gozam de proteção internacional. Essa busca desenfreada por estabilidade econômica por meio do rápido crescimento se choca com o Direito do Trabalho que vem sofrendo de forma sistêmica diversas violações consagradas não só no Direito Interno como no Direito Internacional. O presente trabalho visa por meio de uma análise criteriosa demonstrar tais violações de direitos já consagrados internacionalmente em decorrência da pandemia do Coronavírus e a possível responsabilização internacional do Estado por tal conduta com base nas proteções internacionais de direitos humanos.