This research examines the way color-blind rhetorical techniques are used by supporters and opponents in legal documents submitted to the latest U.S. Supreme court case on affirmative action. Eduardo Bonilla-Silva posited that color-blind ideology is the dominant racial ideology in the United States. We focused our critical discourse analysis particularly on the use of color-blind frames as described by Bonilla-Silva. This research also assesses how group threat was used within color-blind frames to activate feelings of racial animosity, a distinction from the color-blind frames that act to minimize race. Drawing on data from 184 amicus briefs submitted for 2013 and 2016 and using critical discourse analysis, we found both supporters and opponents used color-blind frames, but that these frames were more prevalent (and distinctively used) in opponents’ briefs, where we observed all four of Bonilla-Silva’s color-blind frames. We also found the use of threat by opponents to be distinct and prevalent, suggesting that affirmative action was framed as a source of competition that threatened resources held in high regard by white America. We discuss the implications of these findings for the future of affirmative action and make suggestions for future research.

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The anti-politically correct (PC) stance has been a key defensive position held by many conservative Americans for more than three decades. This position holds that being forced to be politically correct hinders open dialogue and debate on important yet sensitive issues, especially those around race and racism. However, scholars have questioned this anti-PC orientation and tied it to political orientation and racism. One caveat that stands as the basis of this paper is the role of education in moderating the impact of racial emotions on various outcomes. While some scholars, such as Seymour Lipset, highlight the liberalizing impact of education, others question such impact. Accordingly, this research examines how educational attainment, racial resentment, and White guilt concerning racial injustice interact to impact the likelihood of White Americans taking an anti-PC stance. Our data is drawn from the American National Election Study 2016 pilot survey. In line with past research, we find that racial resentment and White guilt indeed predict views toward political correctness; however, we find educational attainment does not change the effect of these variables on views toward political correctness. We discuss the importance of these findings in relation to prominent social theories on race and social dominance.