The present study investigates the demographics of same-sex marriages--that is, registered partnerships-in Norway and Sweden. We give an overview of the demographic characteristics of the spouses of these partnerships, study patterns of their divorce risks, and compare the dynamics of same-sex couples with those of heterosexual marriages. We use longitudinal information from the population registers of the two countries that cover all persons in partnerships. Our demographic analyses include information on characteristics such as age, sex, geographic background, experience of previous opposite-sex marriage, parenthood, and educational attainment of the partners involved. The results show that in many respects, the distributions of married populations on these characteristics differ by the sex composition of the couples. Patterns in divorce risks are rather similar in same-sex and opposite-sex marriages, but divorce-risk levels are considerably higher in same-sex marriages. The divorce riskforfemale partnerships is double that for male partnerships.

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Using Norwegian register data on the total population of same-sex couples who formalized their unions from 1993 through 2010 (N = 3,422, 52% male)

Noack T., Seierstad A. and Weedon-Fekjaer H., 2005, A Demographic Analysis of Registered Partnerships (legal same-sex unions): The Case of Norway, European Journal of Population, 21: 89-109.Abstract. In 1993, Norway became the second country in the world to introduce registered partnerships. As with same-sex marriages, registered partnerships give the same rights and duties as marriages for opposite sex couples, with a few exceptions. The present article describes this 'new' demographic event based on Norwegian experiences. Compared to the number of new cases each year of opposite-sex marriages, registered partnerships amount to less than 1%. Gay partnerships are more common than lesbian partnerships, but the proportion of female partnerships has increased since the law came into force. In one out of five partnerships, one or both partners have been previously married to a person of the opposite sex. At the time they entered into the partnership, 24% of the women and 13% of the men had at least one child. When examining the registered partnerships entered into in Norway between 1993 and 2001 we estimated the probability of divorce to be 16% after six years. We also carried out a multivariate analysis of the divorce risk and found that the divorce risk for female partnerships is double that of the risk for male partnerships. Another high risk group is partnerships between a Norwegian and a person from a non-Nordic country.

With an ageing population and a persistent booming economy, Norway is already facing an unmet demand for labour. Considering the country's high female part-time work rate, more full-time work among women constitutes a potential labour reserve. This article investigates factors that encourage transitions into full-time work and discourage transitions out of fulltime work based on panel data from the period 2003-2009. Shifts between working-time status are linked to human capital, occupational characteristics and household structure, although partner characteristics are less important than assumed. Educational attainment promotes transitions to full-time work and deters shifts to part-time work, while health restrictions have the opposite effects. Working in occupations in the health and service sector restricts transitions to full-time work, as does having a high-earning partner. The partner's education and working hours have no effect. In spite of well-developed policies for working parents, young children still constrain women's transitions to full-time work and promote shifts in the reverse direction. Improved access to full-time work and stronger full-time norms in all occupations, more and better educated staff in kindergartens and more involved fathering may promote women's full-time employment.