Significant developments have been made in research on domestic violence experienced by women as well as on the practical front of the services women seek and receive when living with partner abuse. Yet, most of the studies that explore the experiences of victims of partner abuse in the United States have focused on nonimmigrant White women. The current study aims to contribute to the literature by exploring Latina immigrant victims' experiences with domestic violence service outreach in the Midwest. This exploratory study used one-on-one interviews and a focus group to identify the challenges faced by 10 Latina victims of partner abuse who had previously contacted an antiviolence organization in Iowa and had used its services. Findings demonstrate that immigration status and the inability to understand domestic violence within given cultural norms are major barriers keeping Latina victims from seeking help from formal advocacy agencies. Other impediments include feeling shame, isolation, along with the lack of bilingual service providers in mainstream institutions and, the lack of knowledge about resources among newcomers. We end with recommendations for research and practice.

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New immigrant gateways differ significantly from areas of established settlement, with repercussions for domestic violence situations. Through interviews and a focus group with undocumented Latinas, we examine one specific area of such difference, that of formal and informal networks. These networks affect women's ability to seek and obtain help and procure their overall well-being. Findings suggest that the incorporation of Latinas into new gateways entails a reconfiguration of social ties and an increased level of isolation that renders immigrant women particularly vulnerable and ill-equipped to respond to domestic violence situations. We examine the theoretical and practical implications of our findings.

, and policies. The growing diversity of the United States and the prevalence of health disparities among racial, ethnic, geographic, and socioeconomic groups over the last decade has led to increased interest among researchers and health professionals in culture-centered approaches to understanding and promoting health among diverse populations (Colby & Ortman, 2014). Dramatic Population Growth The U.S. Latino population is comprised of individuals born in and outside the United States who have diverse social, economic, and cultural perspectives, varied behaviors and experiences, country of origin, and immigration history. The places in which Latinos originate and settle shape their health (López, Tan-McGrory, Horner, & Betancourt, 2016). In the Midwest, the Latino population increased by 65.5% between 2000 and 2015 (Pew Research Center, n.d.). Approximately half (47.46%) of Latinos age 18 and older in the Midwest were not born in the United States, and among them, almost a third (30.40%) are naturalized U.S. citizens (U.S. Census Bureau, n.d.-a, 2012-2016, American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates). While Latinos in the Midwest originate from multiple countries, the majority (74.34%) were born in Mexico (U.S. Census Bureau, n.d.-b, 2012-2016, American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates). Rural Prosperity Latinos are increasingly important to the vitality and productivity of rural America. They contribute to reversing population loss in rural communities and stimulate local economic growth through participation in the agricultural, manufacturing, and service labor forces (Coates & Gindling, 2013), as well as in the creation of small businesses (e.g., bakeries, restaurants, stores; Barcus, 2006). To have strong rural economies, it is beneficial to more 816676Q HRXXX10.

A risk and resilience framework (Patterson, 2002) was used to examine longitudinal relationships among food insecurity, depressive symptoms, parenting confidence, perceived parenting support, and knowledge of community resources. Data from "Rural Families Speak" (a multi-state longitudinal study of rural low-income families) were analyzed using path analysis for 314 rural mothers with low incomes. Results show that food insecurity and depressive symptoms in Wave 1 predicted increased depressive symptoms in Wave 2, and depressive symptoms in Wave 2 were related to decreased perceived parenting support and parenting confidence in Wave 2. Knowledge of community resources in Wave 1 moderated the relationship between depressive symptoms in Wave 1 and perceived parenting support in Wave 2, and the relationship between food insecurity in Wave 1 and parenting confidence in Wave 2.Implications of the impact of food insecurity and depressive symptoms on parenting among rural low-income mothers are discussed.