Aims and objectives/purpose/research questions: This study investigates perceived accent in the two early-acquired languages of 21 adult-aged bilinguals with Italian as the heritage language (HL) and German as the majority language (ML). We test the relative ability of ‘age of onset (AoO) in German’ (range = 0–6 years) and ‘Italian use’ to predict perceived nativeness in Italian and German. Design/methodology/approach: Two accent rating experiments were carried out (one in each language) comparing the bilingual speech samples to those of monolingual and second language (L2) control groups. The samples were rated by German and Italian-speaking judges for foreign accent (‘yes’ or ‘no’) and for degree of certainty (‘certain, ‘semi-certain’, ‘uncertain’). Data and analysis: The effects of ‘AoO in German’ and ‘Italian Use’ (operationalized as an Italian Use Score) were analysed using correlational analyses and logistic regression. Findings/conclusions: Our results show that almost all bilinguals were indistinguishable from monolingual controls in German, and that their perceived accent in Italian lay somewhere between that of the monolingual and L2 controls. Based on regression analyses, we conclude that a later introduction of the ML has neither a negative effect on the ML itself, nor does it show up advantages in the HL. Instead, how native-like the heritage speakers (HSs) sound in the HL largely depends on HL use. No negative effects of HL use are found for German. Originality: We test a new population of Italian HSs in South Germany and compare these results to findings from other HS populations in Germany. Significance/implications: This study shows that, although it may be the case for child-aged bilinguals that introducing the ML earlier causes more phonological pressure on the HL, this effect seems to have disappeared by adulthood – at least with regards to perceived global accent. Also, accent in the HL depends on HL use across the lifespan.

This chapter is concerned with Turkish heritage speakers (HSs) in Germany, here exemplified by 21 early bilinguals during adulthood who live in Hamburg, North Germany. We introduce the population, report their self-perceived proficiency and propose the Turkish Use Score (TUS) that is based on quantitative aspects of language use (e.g., the number of people Turkish is spoken with) and qualitative ones (e.g., schooling in Turkish). In the remainder of the paper, we focus on the perceived accent of these speakers in German and Turkish, discussing the role of Age of Onset (AoO) in German vs. amount of Turkish use. The results show a strong correlation between Turkish use and perceived nativeness in Turkish, while no role of AoO is evident for accent in either language. Our data further suggested a weak (but non-significant) relation between high Turkish use and sounding more foreign in German.

In heritage language (HL) bilingualism, recent work has focused on understanding the dynamic effects that different input types can have on heritage language development and outcomes (e.g., Bayram et al., 2017; Kupisch & Rothman, 2018; Polinsky, 2018; Putnam & Sanchez, 2013; Karayayla & Schmid, 2019). The underlying question is to what extent one’s individual experiences with the HL modulate HL development and its outcomes. Following this line of research, we provide evidence from two datasets of Turkish as a HL in Germany that attempts to identify the relative ability of various aspects of language experience (parental background, language use at home, time spent in the HL country, age of exposure to the societal majority language, and quality of HL use) to predict lexical and morphosyntactic performance in Turkish. The results for the first HS group (adolescents) indicate that ‘parental language background’ was the strongest predictor of both lexical diversity and morphosyntactic complexity; for the second HS group (adults), “Turkish use in the home” and “Current Turkish use” were the strongest predictors. We interpret these results as evidence for the variable role played by different types of input in shaping HL outcomes, highlighting the need for more systematic approaches to measuring (and predicting) the effects of input across different areas of language.

This study examines cross-linguistic influence (CLI) in the acquisition of embedded wh-questions in L3 English in German-dominant heritage speakers (HSs) of Italian. Specifically, we investigate whether a higher proficiency in the heritage language Italian increases the potential for CLI from that language. To this end, 21 adult-aged Italian-German early bilinguals and 32 monolingual controls (L1 speakers of Italian, German, or English) completed an acceptability judgement task that tested the acquisition of embedded wh-questions in English (while also controlling for the acquisition of the relevant properties in German and Italian). Language dominance was assessed using a yes/no vocabulary test and a proficiency index based on various aspects of self-reported language use and proficiency. Our results suggest that syntactic CLI occurs from both languages and that this is unrelated to overall dominance in German or proficiency in Italian.

This study is concerned with L3 acquisition in heritage speakers (HSs). The goals are to incorporate HS into L3 acquisition research and investigate the role of language dominance for predicting L3 transfer. We analyze global accent in German-Turkish early bilinguals, HSs of Turkish, who acquired English as their L3. Twenty native-speaker judges determined accent strength and accent source in the speech of 18 bilinguals as well as 15 controls (L1 English, L1 German, L1 Turkish) when speaking English. Results show, firstly, that bilinguals are perceived as less accented than L1 Turkish speakers and similar to L1 German speakers. Secondly, unlike L1 controls, there is no uniform accent source for HSs when speaking their L3. Our results question the role of age of acquisition, while being generally consistent with the TPM. However, HSs seem to benefit from bilingual experience and structure-based transfer can be overpowered by high proficiency.