This is the unspecified version of the paper.This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. Abstract Various studies have shown that financial satisfaction is, among other domains, an important determinant of overall individual wellbeing. Contrary to the common belief that financial satisfaction mainly depends on an individual's income, evidence for the U.S. indicates that life course financial satisfaction steadily increases from the thirties onwards, whereas life course income shows an inverted U-pattern with a peak at midlife. To judge from other studies in the U.S. and Norway, this pattern for financial satisfaction is not unique. The aim of the present analysis is to explore the determinants of this life course financial satisfaction pattern, taking into account not only income but also the possible impact of assets and liabilities. The analysis suggests that while income has the expected positive relation, increasing financial satisfaction at older age can be partly explained by decreases in liabilities and increases in financial assets, and that assets and liabilities considered separately provide a better explanation than net wealth. In addition, reduction in the dependency burden at old age leads to increased financial satisfaction while the deterioration of health has a negative impact. The data are from the second and third waves of the U.S. National Survey of Families and Households. Permanent repository link

The aims of this study were to design and validate a questionnaire to measure passive and active Facebook use, and to explore the associations of these factors with the Reinforcement Sensitivity Theory (RST) of personality. Passive Facebook use describes the consumption but not the creation of content, while active Facebook use describes active engagement with the site. As Facebook has many features, users may interact with the site differently, thereby creating conflicting results when general use measures are assessed independently. To address this issue, we developed a 13-item questionnaire which reflects three levels of Facebook engagement: Active social, Active non-social, and Passive use. These three multi-item scales demonstrate sufficient internal reliability and discriminant validity. To further investigate individual differences in Facebook use, we used regressions to assess the associations between RST and the factors of the Passive Active Use Measure (PAUM). Reward Reactivity was positively associated with both Active social and Passive use. Impulsivity and Goal-Drive Persistence were positively associated with Active non-social use. FFFS was positively associated with Passive use, and Reward Interest was positively associated with all three PAUM factors. The findings of this study highlight how individual differences impact the way users engage with Facebook.

This is the unspecified version of the paper.This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. Permanent repository link AbstractThe frequency of formal volunteering varies widely across European countries, and rates of formal volunteering are especially low among Eastern European countries. Why are there such large differences in volunteering rates when it is known that volunteering is beneficial for well-being? Using data from the latest round of the European Social Survey, we test three hypotheses to explain these cross-national differences in volunteering. We ask whether people in countries with low frequencies of volunteering spend more of their time on informal volunteering activities; whether they differ on socio-demographic variables which are known to be linked to volunteering rates; or whether they show less well-being benefit from formal volunteering. Contrary to the first hypothesis, we find a positive correlation between formal and informal volunteering. We further conclude that national differences in rates of volunteering cannot be fully explained by differences in the social, psychological or cultural factors associated with volunteering nor the outcome of volunteering. It is likely that contextual factors, such as a country's historical background or institutions, determine levels of volunteering to a large extent.

a b s t r a c tThe purpose of the study was to explore whether personality traits moderate the association between social comparison on Facebook and subjective well-being, measured as both life satisfaction and eudaimonic well-being. Data were collected via an online questionnaire which measured Facebook use, social comparison behavior and personality traits for 337 respondents. The results showed positive associations between Facebook intensity and both measures of subjective well-being, and negative associations between Facebook social comparison and both measures of subjective well-being. Personality traits were assessed by the Reinforcement Sensitivity Theory personality questionnaire, which revealed that Reward Interest was positively associated with eudaimonic well-being, and Goal-Drive Persistence was positively associated with both measures of subjective well-being. Impulsivity was negatively associated with eudaimonic well-being and the Behavioral Inhibition System was negatively associated with both measures of subjective well-being. Interactions between personality traits and social comparison on Facebook indicated that for respondents with high Goal-Drive Persistence, Facebook social comparison had a positive association with eudaimonic well-being, thus confirming that some personality traits moderate the association between Facebook social comparison and subjective well-being. The results of this study highlight how individual differences in personality may impact how social comparison on Facebook affects individuals' subjective well-being.

We use the 2015–16 waves of the UK Household Longitudinal Study (Understanding Society) to look at subjective wellbeing around the time of the June 2016 EU membership Referendum in the UK (Brexit). We employ measures of both evaluative and affective wellbeing, namely life satisfaction and mental distress, respectively. We find that those reporting lower life satisfaction in 2015 were more likely to express a preference for leaving the EU in 2016, while mental distress was less predictive of pro‐Brexit attitudes. Post‐Referendum, those with Leave preferences enjoyed an increase in life satisfaction but there was no change in average life satisfaction in the overall sample. In contrast, the average level of mental distress increased in the sample post‐ Referendum, with no significant difference between those preferring to remain in or to leave the EU. We test the robustness of our results by considering a number of potential caveats, such as sample selection, unobserved individual fixed effects and the interval between interviews. Overall, our results suggest that levels of subjective wellbeing may be both a cause and a result of the 2016 Brexit vote.