Building on Mouffe's critique of cosmopolitanism this paper argues that a cosmopolitan mode of remembering, far from having superseded the antagonistic mode associated with 'first modernity' in the European context, has proved unable to prevent the rise of, and is being increasingly challenged by, new antagonistic collective memories constructed by populist neo-nationalist movements. The paper outlines the main defining characteristics of a third 'agonistic' mode of remembering, which is both reflexive and dialogic, yet also relies upon politicized representations of past conflicts, acknowledging civic and political passions as well as individual and collective agency.

While positively connoted tangible cultural heritage is widely recognized as an asset to states in their exercise of soft power, the value of sites of 'dark heritage' in the context of soft power strategies has not yet been fully explored. This article offers a theoretical framework for the analysis of the multiple soft power potentialities inherent in the management and presentation of sites of past violence and atrocity, demonstrating how the value of these sites can be developed in terms of place branding, cultural diplomacy and state-level diplomacy. The relationship between dark heritage, soft power and the search for 'ontological security' is also explored, highlighting how difficult pasts can be mobilized in order to frame positive contemporary roles for states in the international system. Drawing on this theoretical framework, the article offers an analysis of the case of the Soča valley in Slovenia and the presentation of the site of the First World War battle of Kobarid in a dedicated museum. Through this case study, the article underlines the particular role of dark heritage for the national self-projection of a new and small state in the context of European integration.

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In several countries, urban regeneration programmes have become associated with wider policy changes to the governance and social improvement of local communities. These developments have become central to policy implementation in the UK where regeneration planning attempts to use 'social capital' from local networks and associations in new systems of governance connecting central government agencies, local councils and local voluntary and community groups. This article reports on comparative research aimed at assessing whether the new approaches significantly influence democracy and transparency and, correspondingly, responsiveness to power relations and conflicts, and the needs and interests of the previously excluded and often disadvantaged groups. The analysis derives from a contrast between Bristol, a propitious case for the new governance in the UK, and the Italian city of Naples. Similar and problematic developments are identified in both cases despite the pursuit of a radically different 'dirigiste' strategy by the Naples council. The findings suggest that more autonomous local government and greater civil society participation may still be needed to meet local expectations.

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