Highly porous polystyrene-block-poly(4-vinylpyridine) (PS-b-P4VP) diblock copolymer membranes are prepared using carbohydrates as additives. Therefore α-cyclodextrine, α-(D)-glucose, and saccharose (cane sugar) are tested for the membrane formation of three different PS-b-P4VP polymers. The addition of the carbohydrates leads to an increasing viscosity of the membrane solutions due to hydrogen bonding between hydroxyl groups of the carbohydrates and pyridine units of the block copolymer. In all cases, the membranes made from solution with carbohydrates have higher porosity, an improved narrow pore distribution on the surface and a higher water flux as membranes made without carbohydrates with the same polymer, solvent ratio, and polymer concentration.

In the framework of variational pragmatics, the focus so far has been on L1-varieties of English, and the present paper introduces this area of research into the wider field of World Englishes. It presents first results from a larger questionnaire study on a number of pragmatic variables in Namibian English (NamE), a variety of English that only recently has aroused the interest of a number of researchers because of its unique history and complex variety status. The study employs methods successfully applied in variational pragmatics and describes the realization of responses to thanks in NamE in comparison to three L1-varieties of English. As the paper shows, NamE differs from these varieties in various ways. It argues that these differences, although possibly being more in degree than in kind, nevertheless index local Namibian solutions in the complex linguistic ecology of the speech community. The results of the study furthermore show that some of the results reported for the L1-varieties need to be reconsidered in view of the Namibian data.

Namibian English (NamE) is frequently referred to as an offspring of (White) South African English (SAfrE), although more recently researchers have tried to describe it as a variety in its own right. In particular, Kautzsch and Schröder (2016) describe several phonetic features seemingly specific to NamE and unattested in other (South) African Englishes. This paper takes up some of their findings and provides further evidence for Namibian-specific realisations of vowels by investigating a supposedly NamE-specific nurse–work split and comparing realisations of the trap–dress merger attested in some varieties of SAfrE. The paper supports the claim that NamE should be considered a variety in its own right, further demonstrating that it should not be seen as a monolithic whole.

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“Dictionary of Modern English Usage, short forms Modern English Usage, MEU. The best-known usage manual of the 20C, compiled by H. W. Fowler and published by Oxford University Press in 1926 […]. This work in particular has made the name Fowler as well known among those interested in usage and the language as Johnson and Webster, a point of reference for both those who venerate and those who regret what he has had to say.” (Burchfield, 1992a: 311)If the quotation above is anything to go by, it tells us two things, namely that Fowler's Modern English Usage [MEU] is regarded as the best-known usage manual of the 20th century and that opinions about Fowler are highly controversial. Works like the Fowler Brothers' (1906) The King's English [KE] and Henry W. Fowler's Dictionary of Modern English Usage (1926) [MEU-1] can be regarded as role models for usage handbooks in Britain. The immense success and popularity, especially of the latter work, with new editions in 1965 (revised by Sir Ernest Gowers) [MEU-2] and in 1996 (further revised by Robert Burchfield) [MEU-3], calls for an explanation. In order to reveal the relationship between authority and success, the present article places MEU and its predecessor KE in their socio-historical contexts and then gives a detailed account of the success story of MEU. It analyses the book's reception in its three editions and its treatment in English-language histories and introductory textbooks to the English language.