This study explores variables that predict physical violence in 614 (forensic) psychiatric inpatients. All violent incidents that occurred in a Dutch forensic psychiatric hospital between 2014 and 2019 ( N = 3,713) were coded with the Modified Overt Aggression Scale+ based on daily hospital reports and patients’ medical records. Binary logistic regression analyses examined which patient variables could differentiate between patients with and without physical violence during treatment and between patients with single and multiple incidents of physical violence. Variables included in the analyses were gender, legal status, borderline personality disorder, antisocial personality disorder, schizophrenia spectrum disorder, psychopathy (Psychopathy Checklist–Revised [PCL-R] score), self-harm during treatment, impulsivity, intellectual disability, and length of stay. A clear association was found between self-harm and inpatient physical violence on all outcome measures and in all analyses. Adequate monitoring of self-harm is advised as a strategy to early identify patients with a high risk to threaten ward safety.
Aggressive incidents occur frequently in health care facilities, such as psychiatric care and forensic psychiatric hospitals. Previous research suggests that civil psychiatric inpatients may display more aggression than forensic inpatients. However, there is a lack of research comparing these groups on the incident severity, even though both frequency and severity of aggression influence the impact on staff members. The purpose of this study is to compare the frequency and severity of inpatient aggression caused by forensic and civil psychiatric inpatients in the same Dutch forensic psychiatric hospital. Data on aggressive incidents occurring between January 1, 2014, and December 31, 2017, were gathered from hospital files and analyzed using the Modified Overt Aggression Scale, including sexual aggression (MOAS+). Multilevel random intercept models were used to analyze differences between forensic and civil psychiatric patients in severity of aggressive incidents. In all, 3,603 aggressive incidents were recorded, caused by 344 different patients. Civil psychiatric patients caused more aggressive incidents than forensic patients and female patients caused more inpatient aggression compared with male patients. Female forensic patients were found to cause the most severe incidents, followed by female civil psychiatric patients. Male forensic patients caused
This vignette study examines the differences in Dutch people's attitudes towards sexual coercion perpetrated by a male against a female versus sexual coercion perpetrated by a female against a male. In total, 583 Dutch citizens (16-86 years, 59.7% female) evaluated a control scenario and three sexually coercive scenarios (verbal coercion, purposeful intoxication and force), in which the sex of perpetrator and victim was purposely varied. The variables studied include: (1) scenario acceptability, (2) victim responsibility, (3) perpetrator responsibility, (4) victim pleasure, (5) victim distress and (6) support for filing a police report. The results indicate that sexual coercion of men is taken less seriously than sexual coercion of women, especially among Dutch men. However, most differences between attitudes towards male and female victims were found only in the physical force scenario. The findings highlight the importance of educational programmes to raise awareness and reduce stereotypical views on male sexual victimisation. Male sexual coercionThe issue of sexual coercion in adulthood has attracted a lot of attention from researchers. This scientific interest is hardly surprising, considering the stressful nature of these experiences. Krahé, Tomaszewska, Kuyper, and Vanwesenbeeck (2014) define sexual coercion as "behaviour carried out with the intent or result of making another person engage in sexual activity or sexual communication despite his or her unwillingness to do so" (p. 546). This covers a broad range of behaviours, such as manipulating the other by continuing to insist after the other person refused sex, lying about feelings or intentions, threatening with anger, withdrawing love, or using force.Considering the gendered nature of sexual aggression, the larger part of studies conducted in this area has focused on situations with male perpetrators and female victims. However, sexual coercion by females occurs as well (e.g. Breiding et al., 2014). Only in 1991 was the legal definition of rape under Dutch law rephrased into a gender-neutral wording. Before this time, rape was by definition committed by a male perpetrator against a female victim (Römkens, 2008). Even though it is now recognised that males and females can be victims of sexual coercion, research on the subject of male coercion by a female perpetrator remains limited.It is also acknowledged that situations of sexual coercion where the victim and the perpetrator are of the same sex are also only scarcely included in research. However, these situations are beyond the scope of this article, as the aim of the current study is to investigate the attitudes of Dutch citizens (16 years and older) towards adult male victims of sexual coercion by a female perpetrator. This type of research has not previously been conducted in the Netherlands.
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