This study examined multiple levels of adolescents' interpersonal functioning, including general peer relations (peer crowd affiliations, peer victimization), and qualities of best friendships and romantic relationships as predictors of symptoms of depression and social anxiety. An ethnically diverse sample of 421 adolescents (57% girls; 14 to 19 years) completed measures of peer crowd affiliation, peer victimization, and qualities of best friendships and romantic relationships. Peer crowd affiliations (high and low status), positive qualities in best friendships, and the presence of a dating relationship protected adolescents against feelings of social anxiety, whereas relational victimization and negative interactions in best friendships predicted high social anxiety. In contrast, affiliation with a high-status peer crowd afforded some protection against depressive affect; however, relational victimization and negative qualities of best friendships and romantic relationships predicted depressive symptoms. Some moderating effects for ethnicity were observed. Findings indicate that multiple aspects of adolescents' social relations uniquely contribute to feelings of internal distress. Implications for research and preventive interventions are discussed.

The authors used an integrative conceptual model to examine the emergence of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms in 568 elementary school-age children 3 months after Hurricane Andrew. The model included 4 primary factors: Exposure to Traumatic Events, Child Characteristics, Access to Social Support, and Children's Coping. Overall, 62% of the variance in children's selfreported PTSD symptoms was accounted for by the 4 primary factors, and each factor improved overall prediction of symptoms when entered in the analyses in the order specified by the conceptual model. The findings suggest that the conceptual model may be helpful to organize research and intervention efforts in the wake of natural disasters. Hurricane Andrew struck Dade County, Florida, on August 24, 1992, in one of the worst natural disasters ever to occur in the United States, Over 175,000 residents were left homeless as 30,000 houses, 19,000 mobile homes, and 12,000 apartments were destroyed (Slevin & Filkins, 1992). Destruction was more widespread than expected, and many children were terrified during the hurricane as their homes were damaged or destroyed. In the aftermath of Hurricane Andrew, thousands of children struggled to adapt to the loss of their homes, pets, toys, and friends. Parents, school personnel, mental health professionals, and members of the media expressed widespread concern about children's psychological reactions following exposure to such a traumatic event. Concerns were also expressed about which children were at highest risk to develop negative or adverse reactions. Concerns such as these guided the present investigation. This study sought to examine diverse factors, some of which have been previously linked with children's responses to natural disasters, within the context of an integrative conceptual model. In a recent review of the literature on children's reactions to disasters, Vogel and Vernberg (1993) concluded that a major

No abstract

SummaryDisasters typically strike quickly and cause great harm. Unfortunately, because of the spontaneous and chaotic nature of disasters, the psychological consequences have proved exceedingly difficult to assess. Published reports have often overestimated a disaster's psychological cost to survivors, suggesting, for example, that many if not most survivors will develop posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD); at the same time, these reports have underestimated the scope of the disaster's broader impact in other domains. We argue that such ambiguities can be attributed to methodological limitations. When we focus on only the most scientifically sound research-studies that use prospective designs or include multivariate analyses of predictor and outcome measures-relatively clear conclusions about the psychological parameters of disasters emerge. We summarize the major aspects of these conclusions in five key points and close with a brief review of possible implications these points suggest for disaster intervention.1. Disasters cause serious psychological harm in a minority of exposed individuals. People exposed to disaster show myriad psychological problems, including PTSD, grief, depression, anxiety, stress-related health costs, substance abuse, and suicidal ideation. However, severe levels of these problems are typically observed only in a relatively small minority of exposed individuals. In adults, the proportion rarely exceeds 30% of most samples, and in the vast majority of methodologically sound studies, the level is usually considerably lower. Among youth, elevated symptoms are common in the first few months following a high-impact disaster, but again, chronic symptom elevations rarely exceed 30% of the youth sampled.2. Disasters produce multiple patterns of outcome, including psychological resilience. In addition to chronic dysfunction, other patterns of disaster outcome are typically observed. Some survivors recover their psychological equilibrium within a period ranging from several months to 1 or 2 years. A sizeable proportion, often more than half of those exposed, experience only transient distress and maintain a stable trajectory of healthy functioning or resilience. Resilient outcomes have been evidenced across different methodologies, including recent studies that identified patterns of outcome using relatively sophisticated data analytic approaches, such as latent growth mixture modeling.3. Disaster outcome depends on a combination of risk and resilience factors. As is true for most highly aversive events, individual differences in disaster outcomes are informed by a number of unique risk and resilience factors, including variables related to the context in which the disaster occurs, variables related to proximal exposure during the disaster, and variables related to distal exposure in the disaster's aftermath. Multivariate studies indicate that there is no one single dominant predictor of disaster outcomes. Rather, as with traumatic life events more generally, most predictor variables exert small...