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This article assesses various advocacy practices for forcibly displaced people (FDP) through the analysis of advocacy networks, the examination of the goals that they pursue, and their ways of working. Three basic approaches, the welfare-based, the legal-based, and the capability-based approaches, are assessed. From this assessment, this study suggests the recognition of shared humanity as an entry point for advocacy, which offers a cosmopolitan understanding of rights and duties, and the most comprehensive protection for FDP. The main argument of this study is that if the demand for recognition is not heard, relief for refugees and other displaced people will lack an essential dimension. It is the demand to be recognized as human beings that engenders responsibility for forced migrants. Instead of prescribing a list of what to do, or not to do, this reflection has rather suggested a way of being and dealing with the forcibly displaced. This stance goes beyond the facility of typical responses that are known in advance.

Since 2000, many African countries have adopted land tenure reforms that aim at comprehensive land registration (or certification) and titling. Much work in political science and in the advocacy literature identifies recipients of land certificates or titles as ‘programme beneficiaries’, and political scientists have modelled titling programmes as a form of distributive politics. In practice, however, rural land registration programmes are often divisive and difficult to implement. This paper tackles the apparent puzzle of friction around rural land certification. We study Côte d'Ivoire's rocky history of land certification from 2004 to 2017 to identify political economy variables that may give rise to heterogeneous and even conflicting preferences around certification. Regional inequalities, social inequalities, and regional variation in pre-existing land tenure institutions are factors that help account for friction or even resistance around land titling, and thus the difficult politics that may arise around land tenure reform. Land certification is not a public good or a private good for everyone.

En dépit des attentes, l’élection présidentielle d’octobre 2020 n’aura pas contribué à pacifier le pays. La mort du « dauphin » du Président sortant a créé une situation inédite et un débat constitutionnel. Le bilan économique d’Alassane Ouattara plaidait en sa faveur, mais il est ambivalent : la croissance n’a pas eu vraiment d’impact social. En outre, les blessures de la précédente guerre civile sont encore ouvertes. En dépit des tentatives de réconciliation, l’élection a manqué le virage qui aurait dû consolider la démocratie et la paix en Côte d’Ivoire. Un travail considérable reste à entreprendre.

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