The purpose of this exploratory study was to determine whether projective techniques could identify long-term consequences among children stemming from exposure to a traumatic event. The first group of children (n = 53; 26 female, 27 male) experienced 2 major earthquakes at age 7, 3 months apart, in Turkey, while a similarly matched control group (n = 50; 25 female, 25 male) did not. Both groups of children (current age: 9) completed a series of short stories related to disastrous events. Results indicated that the traumatized group evinced a range of trauma-related symptoms 2 years after experiencing the earthquakes.
We examined cross-cultural differences in (1) sibling power balance and (2) the associations between sibling power balance and internalizing and externalizing problems in three separate cross-cultural studies (early childhood, late childhood, and adolescence). The early childhood samples consisted of 123 Turkish and 128 Dutch mothers (mean age for children was 4.9 years). In the late childhood samples, self-report data were collected from 124 Indian and 129 Dutch children (mean age 10.9 years). In the adolescent samples self-report data were collected from 165 ethnic Moroccan and 165 ethnic Dutch adolescents (mean age 15.2 years). In all studies, questionnaire data on sibling power imbalance and internalizing and externalizing problems were collected. Results showed only one significant cross-cultural difference in sibling power imbalance: The Indian sample reported more sibling power imbalance than the Dutch. Links between sibling power imbalance and problem behavior were highly similar between the different cultural samples. The only significant difference was a stronger impact of sibling power imbalance on externalizing problems for the Dutch compared to the Turkish sample. Concluding, few cross-cultural differences were found in sibling power imbalance. Across cultures and age groups, more sibling power imbalance was linked to more internalizing and externalizing problems.
This study examined patterns in teachers' attributional responses to dyslexia. Teachers from elementary schools in Turkey (n=32) and preschool teacher candidates from a state university (n=32) participated in the study. Using written vignettes, four hypothetical male students were described, of two identified with dyslexia, and the other two had no dyslexia. Teachers were to assume each child had just taken a typical classroom writing assessment and failed to write correctly. Four categories of teacher responses were examined: reward or punishment (RP), anger (A), pity (P), and future expectations (FE). Patterns of significant difference in teachers’ and teacher candidates’ responses were not found. Attributional characteristics of elementary teachers and preschool teacher candidates’ responses are discussed.
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