The nature of colonialism is examined in this comparison of British colonial policy in Ireland and Canada toward Indigenous people. The histories and realities of Indigenous peoples’ experiences of colonizing violence are not adequately addressed by the dominant approaches of the democratic peace theory’s universalist neoliberal technocratic values, expectations, and assumptions (see Mac Ginty, 2013). PACS scholars and practitioners need new interpretive frames to make sense of the impact and consequences of colonialism and the intent of genocidal destruction across different colonial contexts in order to understand the deep roots of conflict (economic exploitation, internalization of oppression, racist ideology), and how we should go about critical and emancipatory peace building, theory building, and practice. The study of colonialism is required to understand conflict milieus characterized by structural violence in order to create a justpeace (see Lederach, 1997) that includes restorative and reconciliatory processes, and recognition of local people’s resilience and resistance to structural violence and social injustice (see Chandler, 2017).

The constitution of Pakistan defines our country as an "Islamic State". Pakistan is predominantly a State established for Muslims but many non-Muslims have been living here since its establishment. The constitution of Pakistan stands for equality and justice for all people regardless of caste, gender, religion, region and language. Qualitative methodology has been used. The available data will be taken from the various governmental institutions. In this research the researchers draw an Islamic Republic of Pakistan Constitutional scenario. It will not only shed light on the exact image of Pakistan's religious minorities, but it will also explain their freedom to follow their religion's teachings and pursue their customs and traditions.

This article utilizes a three-pronged analytical model to examine the mechanics of British colonialism and its socioeconomic and political consequences in India. Those three elements are divide and rule, colonial education, and British laws. The British took some reformative initiatives that ostensibly deserve appreciation such as the development of a predictable legal system, investment in infrastructure development, and education in the late nineteenth and mid-twentieth centuries. However, most colonial policies and reforms were against the will and welfare of the people of India. The British took away India’s resources and introduced the English educational system to create an educated and elite buffer class for its own interests. It also introduced positivistic and predictable laws and repressive and discriminatory measures, including force, to control the natives and prevent anti-British agitation, protests, and armed uprisings in India. Although the consequences of British colonialism in India has been explored from various disciplines, the legacy of British colonialism to present day Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan has not been examined from the Peace and Conflict Studies (PACS) lens. Johan Galtung’s (1990) violence triangle framework helps us to understand the different forms of colonial violence, and the need for positive peacebuilding in the post-colonial context. This paper argues that the current educational policy, the legal framework, and the ethno-religious-cultural diversity of today, exhibiting the structural, cultural, and direct violence, are a continuation of the legacy of the British Raj.

Purpose: This study investigates the influence of religion on the voting behavior of the electorates of district Buner of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in the 2013 general elections. The study empirically reveals the inclination of the people while considering religion as a determinant of voting behavior. Methodology: Data for this work has been collected through a personally administered structured questionnaire. A sample representative size of 385 respondents was selected through a multi-stage-sample-method in a survey. SPSS (Statistical package for social sciences) version 21 has been used for the determination of P-value through the Chi-Square test. Results: This investigation contended that voters consider religion as a significant determinant of voting behavior. They also support the participation of Ulama (religious scholars) in politics. Further, the study discovered that the majority of the electorates do not keep the religious affairs of the candidate in mind while making their choices. On polling day, the role of religion does not significantly affect the preferences of the people. Applications: Results of the study shows that religion and voting behavior are interrelated. While analyzing electoral politics and voting choices, it is pertinent to consider the religion of the electorates. Novelty/Originality: Electorates favor the role of religion in politics, but on polling day, majority voters do not care about religion.

This paper explores the impacts and influence of electable(s) on parliamentary democracy in Pakistan during the last three decades (1988-2019). The paper argues that Alavi’s state power structure, dominated by civil-military bureaucracy, has undergone a change in the last few decades. New forces like intermediate class, a segment of superior courts’ judges and some of the politicians known as electable(s) have been able to occupy space in the Pakistani state power structure. This paper argues that electable(s) remain connected with the powerful establishment only for the purpose to obtain their personal interests at the cost of weakening parliamentary democracy in Pakistan. Data is collected through personal communications with a diverse group of people having expertise in their respective fields