Extra-care housing has been an important and growing element of housing and care for older people in the United Kingdom since the s. Previous studies have examined specific features and programmes within extra-care locations, but few have studied how residents negotiate social life and identity. Those that have, have noted that while extra care brings many health-related and social benefits, extra-care communities can also be difficult affective terrain. Given that many residents are now 'ageing in place' in extra care, it is timely to revisit these questions of identity and affect. Here we draw on the qualitative element of a three-year, mixed-method study of  extra-care villages and schemes run by the ExtraCare Charitable Trust. We follow Alemàn in regarding residents' ambivalent accounts of life in ExtraCare as important windows on the way in which liminal residents negotiate the dialectics of dependence and independence. However, we suggest that the dialectic of interest here is that of the third and fourth age, as described by Gilleard and Higgs. We set that dialectic within a post-structuralist/ Lacanian framework in order to examine the different modes of enjoyment that liminal residents procure in ExtraCare's third age public spaces and ideals, and suggest that their complaints can be read in three ways: as statements about altered material conditions; as inter-subjective bolstering of group identity; and as fantasmatic support for liminal identities. Finally, we examine the implications that this latter psycho-social reading of residents' complaints has for enhancing and supporting residents' wellbeing.

ObjectivesTo understand older adults’ experiences of moving into extra care housing which offers enrichment activities alongside social and healthcare support.DesignA longitudinal study was conducted which adopted a phenomenological approach to data generation and analysis.MethodsSemi-structured interviews were conducted in the first 18 months of living in extra care housing. Interpretative phenomenological analysis was used because its commitment to idiography enabled an in-depth analysis of the subjective lived experience of moving into extra care housing. Themes generated inductively were examined against an existential–phenomenological theory of well-being.ResultsLearning to live in an extra care community showed negotiating new relationships was not straightforward; maintaining friendships outside the community became more difficult as capacity declined. In springboard for opportunity/confinement, living in extra care provided new opportunities for social engagement and a restored sense of self. Over time horizons began to shrink as incapacities grew. Seeking care illustrated reticence to seek care, due to embarrassment and a sense of duty to one's partner. Becoming aged presented an ontological challenge. Nevertheless, some showed a readiness for death, a sense of homecoming.ConclusionsAn authentic later life was possible but residents required emotional and social support to live through the transition and challenges of becoming aged. Enhancement activities boosted residents’ quality of life but the range of activities could be extended to cater better for quieter, smaller scale events within the community; volunteer activity facilitators could be used here. Peer mentoring may help build new relationships and opportunities for interactive stimulation. Acknowledging the importance of feeling—empathic imagination—in caregiving may help staff and residents relate better to each other, thus helping individuals to become ontologically secure and live well to the end.

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Social relationships often decline after brain injury. Although much of this is due to psychosocial impairments caused by the injury, the reactions to the injury of others in the person's wider social network, along with the response of the person with the injury to those reactions, also need to be considered. Anxiety about stigmatising reactions from others may lead some to conceal information about their brain injury. This study investigated some of the social consequences of such concealment. Sixty-five participants with acquired brain injury completed the Anticipated Stigma and Concealment Questionnaire, the Social Avoidance and Distress Scale, the UCLA Loneliness Scale, the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale, the Social Integration subscale of the Community Integration Questionnaire, and the Enacted Social Support Questionnaire. As hypothesised, concealment was associated with social anxiety, social avoidance, loneliness and lower self-esteem; and anxiety mediated the impact that concealment had on avoidance, loneliness and reduced community activity. However, contrary to expectation, concealment was not associated with reduced use of social support. Concealment may have negative consequences, but inappropriate disclosure can also be harmful. Services should support individuals to make optimal decisions about disclosing information about the brain injury and also help them address psychological barriers to disclosure.

Disclosure can have important advantages and disadvantages. Some people with a TBI may need support in making optimal decisions about disclosure.