Abstract:The economic modernization of the Amazon fostered by the Brazilian military government during the 1960s and 1970s was largely realized without taking into consideration the presence of local households which lived from the extraction of forest products (mainly non-timber). When they began to be expulsed, a political resistance, often guided by the Catholic Church, appeared as well as the creation of unions based on traditional identities, especially that of rubber tappers. During the 1980s, these unions made a strategic alliance with the ecologist movement which started to consider traditional populations, whose lifestyle depended on the forest, as allies for the protection of the Amazon rainforest. The movement gained a decisive momentum at the end of the decade by putting forward new proposals of land tenure for traditional populations, grounded on collective land rights. This strategy has been very efficient during the 1990s and 2000s, during which about 1,300,000 km 2 of rainforest were set apart and reserved for the use of "traditional communities" under a variety of legal status. But it has also led to mix under the same "collective" etiquette and principles a number of different ways of using and managing land and natural resources. This assumption however should be nuanced by a careful analysis of the resource management systems existing in each case, for they are in general complex and mix varying proportions of individual and collective decisions. The aim of this paper is to explore this question using the example of the Chico Mendes agroextractive settlement (PAE-CM), inhabited by about 100 rubber tapper families and symbolic of the political struggle of traditional populations in the Amazon for being the home of the rubber tapper leader Chico Mendes assassinated in Individual and collective land use management in a CPR system 71 1988. Applying Ostrom "design principles", we try to catch what are the local institutional arrangements and to see if they suggest collective or individual management, and what the boundaries between both categories are. As a conclusion, we find that the PAE-CM's system is much less collective than expected, and also very much controlled by external authorities, in a logic pretty much away from the idea of a CPR system. This finding is useful to understand the shortcomings in the actual management of the PAE but also to foresee difficulties which will probably arise in the management of many of the areas which have gained collective land rights or collective management statutes in the Amazon.

Le Waraná est le nom original, en langue Sateré Mawé, de la plante connue internationalement comme le « guaraná ». C’est un végétal psychoactif considéré comme un dynamisant physique et intellectuel aujourd’hui vendu dans 170 pays, principalement sous la forme de boissons énergisantes. Pourtant, le guaraná fait aussi l’objet depuis les années 1990 de formes alternatives de commercialisation. Nous verrons tout d’abord que le guaraná suit une trajectoire particulière dans le paysage des plantes amazoniennes globales qui nous amène à le définir comme une plante en voie de globalisation. Ensuite, si le Waraná, dénomination d’origine du guaraná chez les Indiens Sateré Mawé, s’insère effectivement dans le commerce équitable, nous étudierons en quoi il en étend les frontières en incluant les questions posées par la biodiversité, les populations autochtones et le partage des avantages.

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Loin d’être une région sous-peuplée, sauvage ou vierge, l’Amazonie apparaît au contraire comme la fabrique des plantes globales. Quels sont les mécanismes de la globalisation des plantes d’Amazonie ? Nous verrons au cours de cet article que la globalisation des végétaux d’Amazonie repose sur un ensemble de processus socio-écologiques à l'œuvre dans le temps et l’espace que nous nommons strates de mondialisation et qui, combinées, forment la globalisation des plantes. Ces strates s’articulent autour de filières marchandes globales, qui sont elles-mêmes alimentées par une logique extractiviste-capitaliste. La compréhension de la fabrique des plantes globales apparaît comme une condition nécessaire pour mettre en œuvre une répartition équitable des richesses issues de la biodiversité, dont les peuples amazoniens et la région n’ont que peu bénéficié.