This paper contributes to our understanding of the grammatical architecture of heritage languages and, specifically, the role of lexical semantics, by examining the syntactic distribution of Spanish psych verbs. Object experiencer psych verbs in Spanish fall into two classes: Class II (e.g., molestar “to bother”) and Class III (e.g., encantar “to love”). Class II verbs allow numerous syntactic alternations, while Class III verbs are more restricted syntactically. The asymmetry under investigation here is attributed to a lexical semantic featural difference—Class II verbs can be [±change of state], while Class III verbs are always [−change of state]. Two groups of HSs, (intermediate (n = 21) and advanced (n = 18)), and a group of Spanish dominant bilinguals (n = 19) completed two judgment tasks, a standard proficiency measure, a vocabulary task, and a biographical questionnaire. Results reveal that the responses of both HS groups are consistent with the Spanish dominant bilinguals in nearly all conditions, indicating that HSs are highly sensitive to this syntactic distribution. These results also highlight the importance of considering the results of individual verbs in studies that focus on lexical semantics, as they not only help us understand aggregate trends, but also reveal, in this case, that even in cases of deviant underlying semantic representations, licensing restrictions at the syntax-lexical semantic interface remain intact, suggesting that this is an area of resilience in the Heritage Spanish grammar.

This study explores the rate of L3 development among learners that transfer their L1 versus L2, via examination of differential object marking (DOM) by English/Spanish bilingual learners of L3 Brazilian Portuguese (BP). At the L3 initial stages, L1 English/L2 Spanish and L1 Spanish/L1 English speakers transfer non-facilitative DOM from Spanish (Giancaspro et al., 2015). We compare these groups with advanced L3 BP learners to test the hypothesis that L2 transfer is overcome faster than L1 transfer. Data from advanced L3 BP groups show that the L1 Spanish group patterns with both initial stages Spanish groups. However, the L2 Spanish group patterns with BP controls, suggesting that the L2 Spanish group has overcome non-facilitative transfer, while the L1 Spanish group has not.

This study builds on prior research on second language (L2) Spanish psych verbs, which has centered on morphosyntactic properties, by examining their syntactic distribution, which relies on lexical semantic knowledge. The fact that certain forms are licensed for some verbs, but not others, is the result of an underlying lexical semantic difference across verb classes, represented here as a difference in formal feature strength. To fully acquire the relevant grammatical distribution, L2 learners must successfully acquire (i) licensing restrictions on argument structure and (ii) underlying lexical semantic representations of individual verbs. Three groups of L2 learners ( n = 66) and a group of native Spanish speakers ( n = 19) completed two judgment tasks (one with aural stimuli and one with written stimuli) which presented object experiencer psych verbs in multiple argument structures. Results show that advanced L2 learners are largely sensitive to the distribution tested here; however, while they have acquired relevant licensing restrictions, they may associate fixed feature settings with verbs that allow variable feature settings. These results are consistent with predictions made by the Feature Reassembly Hypothesis and highlight the role of lexical semantic features in second language acquisition.

Aims and objectives: This study examines the licensing pattern and resulting syntactic distribution of the middle voice across object experiencer psych verbs in intermediate and advanced heritage Spanish bilinguals and Spanish-dominant sequential bilinguals. Design: Participants completed a judgment task with aural stimuli containing sentences in the middle voice with contrastive types of object experiencer psych verbs ([±change of state]). Data and analysis: Aggregate results from the judgment task were entered into a mixed-effects linear regression model with fixed effects of group and verb type. Individual results (by verb and participant) are also discussed. Conclusion: Heritage Speakers (HSs) at varying levels of proficiency display consistent knowledge of the licensing pattern that results in the syntactic distribution of the middle voice across object experiencer psych verbs. Variability in the data reflects lexical semantic representational differences for specific verbs in individual grammars. Originality: This study applies a recent lexical semantic account of object experiencer verbs in Spanish to a novel syntactic construction and fills a gap in the Spanish heritage literature by examining a previously unstudied phenomenon—the middle voice. This provides an opportunity to inform (1) questions related to the role of lexical semantics in the heritage grammar and (2) theoretical proposals related to the nature of variability in heritage language grammars. Implications: These data provide additional evidence that licensing patterns at the syntax-lexical semantics interface are an area of stability in the heritage grammar and underscore the role of variability in the input in the resulting adult bilingual grammar.