This study compares the agenda‐setting cues of traditional media alongside those of online media in general and social media in particular. The main line of inquiry concerns (a) whether people posting content to openly accessible social media outlets may be acting in response to mainstream news coverage, possibly as a “corrective” to perceived imbalances in that coverage, or (b) whether such posts seem to have influenced professional media coverage of the issue, possibly reflecting broader opinion dynamics. We do not view these as competing hypotheses, as this relationship may run in both directions and shift at different points in the evolution of an issue. Our goal is to establish important preliminary findings by addressing these questions in the context of a particular issue that is (a) prominently covered in professional media, and (b) contentious enough to inspire individuals to “take the media into their own hands” by producing and publishing their own “coverage.” Proposition 8 in California, which amended the state constitution to define marriage as the exclusive right of opposite‐sex couples, provides this context. Our analysis focuses on the thousands of videos posted to YouTube and coverage of Proposition 8 in professional news media, tracing the relationships among them.

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Many people consider strategic framing, the journalistic tendency to reduce politics to a game or competition focused on the tactical maneuvers of political actors, to be harmful to democracy because it erodes citizen interest in the democratic process. Our results demonstrate that this is not always the case. Testing the effects of textual strategic frames and video processing in a digital environment, we show that strategic frames may also provide a context that is more conducive to learning in mixed media news environments than that provided by value frames, those focused on the value conflict between principled policy opponents. Further analysis reveals that this effect is most clearly seen among people who read political blogs (i.e., those who are already active and interested in politics). Our data suggest that for individuals with cognitive networks built around ideological concerns, such as blog readers, value-framed messages provide cues to stop encoding new information, while strategically framed messages lead people to continue absorbing and learning in mixed media environments.

Twitter provides a new and important tool for political actors. In the 2010 midterm elections, the vast majority of candidates for the U.S. House of Representatives and virtually all candidates for U.S. Senate and governorships used Twitter to reach out to potential supporters, direct them to particular pieces of information, request campaign contributions from them, and mobilize their political action. Despite the level of activity, we have little understanding of what the political Twitterverse looks like in terms of communication and discourse. This project seeks to remedy that lack of understanding by mapping candidates and their followers according to their use of hashtags (keywords) and user mentions (direct mentioning of other Twitter users). We have a unique data set constructed from tweets of most of the candidates running for the U.S. House of Representatives in 2010, all the candidates for the Senate and governorships, and a random sample of their followers. From this we utilize multidimensional scaling to construct a visual map based on hashtag and user mention usage. We find that our data have both local and global interpretations that reflect both political leaning and strategies of communication. This study provides insight into innovation in new media usage in political behavior in particular and a bounded topic space in general.

Over the past two decades, the Internet has increasingly become part of the everyday life of US citizens. This chapter considers the impact of the growing use of the Internet on media use and political behaviors. Specifically it addresses the theoretical, practical, and empirical consequences of various uses of the Internet for sociability, social capital, online formats of news and politics, political blogs, online public spheres, and political messaging. We further consider the emergence of online spaces as sources for information and social interaction, and the implications of these spaces for democracy. Highlighted in this discussion is the advent of social media (e.g., blogs, Facebook, YouTube), and the corresponding development of new spaces in which citizens may “do” politics.