Previous research on spatial memory indicated that memories of small layouts were orientation dependent (orientation specific) but that memories of large layouts were orientation independent (orientation free). Two experiments investigated the relation between layout size and orientation dependency. Participants learned a small or a large 4-point path (Experiment 1) or a large display of objects (Experiment 2) and then made judgments of relative direction from imagined headings that were either the same as or different from the single studied orientation. Judgments were faster and more accurate when the imagined heading was the same as the studied orientation (i.e., aligned) than when the imagined heading differed from the studied orientation (i.e., misaligned). This alignment effect was present for both small and large layouts. These results indicate that location is encoded in an orientation-dependent manner regardless of layout size. When confronted with the task of finding a way through an unfamiliar environment, people typically consult a map. The ease with which people can navigate through the environment depends on whether the map is aligned with the environment. When the "up" direction on the map corresponds to "forward" in the environment, navigation is typically less error prone than when these directions do not correspond. This alignment effect shows itself throughout the life span: As young children age, they are less susceptible to the effect (

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The statistics instructor faces 4 major challenges unique to this course: motivating students to study material they think is uninteresting, handling math anxiety, dealing with performance extremes, and making the learning memorable. We discuss each challenge along with solutions offered in the literature.

The threshold hypothesis regarding creativity and intelligence suggests that these two constructs are positively correlated except at the higher end of the IQ distribution, where they are unrelated. Much of the support for this hypothesis comes from comparisons of correlations within average and high‐IQ groups. However, a common methodological flaw in these comparisons is that the high IQ group is smaller in variance than the average IQ group. In the present study we equated variances for a better test of the threshold hypothesis. College students in two IQ groups completed tests of creativity and intelligence. IQ and creativity correlated at least as strongly in the high IQ group as in the average IQ group, generally failing to support the threshold hypothesis. However, breakdown of composite IQ into fluid and crystallized IQ indicated minimal support for the threshold hypothesis with crystallized IQ, but support for an inverse threshold effect with fluid IQ. Fluid IQ correlated significantly with creativity in the high IQ group but not in the average IQ group, and this pattern was corroborated by regression analyses. Possible explanations for the pattern of results are offered.

Age-related differences in cognitive processes were used to understand agerelated declines in creativity. According to the Geneplore model (Finke, Ward, & Smith, 1992), there are two phases of creativity -generating an idea and exploring the implications of the idea -each with different underlying cognitive processes. These two phases are measured in the Creative Invention Task (CIT; Finke, 1990). Younger adults (n = 41) and older adults (n = 41) completed the CIT, the Torrance Tests of Creative Thinking (TTCT), and a measure of working memory capacity (Paper Folding test). In addition, the CIT was scored by both younger and older adults. There were age-related declines on both phases of the CIT, but not on the TTCT. These declines were noted by both the younger and older raters. After adjusting for working memory capacity, however, age-related differences on the CIT were nonsignificant.