René Girard argues that violence and the sacred are inseparable, yet how do the political boundaries of sacrifice shift when state violence is privatized and increasingly disembodied? This article provides a Foucauldian challenge to Girard by invoking the mutually reinforcing problem of military privatization and drone warfare. Using Foucauldian work on race and biopolitics, I will explore how military privatization permits states to (precariously) call for the end of sacrifice. I trace the genealogical trajectories of the citizen-soldier to argue that military privatization, as exemplified by the burgeoning industry of private military and security companies and the current American administration's use of drone warfare, allows for the removal of sacrifice as a feature of the post-World War II social contract between states and citizens. Historically, the sacrifices of citizen-soldiers have been consecrated within the boundaries of the nation and memorialized in a way that allows for both the production of shared collective memory and a projected future-oriented discourse of unification through shared national or ethnic destiny. Drones, as the technological extension of the philosophy of military privatization and the high-tech expression of 'pre-modern' violence, reveal tensions between embodied combat, citizenship and sacrifice.

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Combat automation, enabled by rapid technological advancements in artificial intelligence and machine learning, is a guiding principle in the conduct of war today. Yet, empirical data on the impact of algorithmic combat on military personnel remains limited. This chapter draws on data from a historically unprecedented survey of Australian Defence Force Academy cadets. Given that this generation of trainees will be the first to deploy autonomous systems (AS) in a systematic way, their views are especially important. This chapter focuses its analysis on five themes: the dynamics of human-machine teams; the perceived risks, benefits, and capabilities of AS; the changing nature of (and respect for) military labor and incentives; preferences to oversee a robot, versus carrying out a mission themselves; and the changing meaning of soldiering. We utilize the survey data to explore the interconnected consequences of neoliberal governing for cadets’ attitudes toward AS, and citizen-soldiering more broadly. Overall, this chapter argues that Australian cadets are open to working with and alongside AS, but under the right conditions. Armed forces, in an attempt to capitalize on these technologically savvy cadets, have shifted from institutional to occupational employers. However, in our concluding remarks, we caution against unchecked technological fetishism, highlighting the need to critically question the risks of AS on moral deskilling, and the application of market-based notions of freedom to the military domain.