The “Deep Throat” case during Watergate — in which a well-placed unidentified source called attention to governmental wrongdoing — exemplifies the complexities created by anonymous whistle-blowing. What anonymous whistle-blowers may lose in credibility they gain in protection from reprisal. The trade-offs facing the potential whistle-blower who decides to remain unidentified are examined empirically using survey data from 8500 federal employees. Propositions derived from a model of bystander intervention (Latané & Darley, 1970) are investigated, with consideration of three decision points: whether the observer of organizational wrongdoing should blow the whistle, whether the whistle-blower should act anonymously, and whether the whistle-blower should report the wrong-doing through internal channels or to someone outside the organization. The results suggest a compounding of the last two decisions: in fact, the choice of channels represents one of four distinct strategies. Whistle-blowers may be anonymous or identified with either external or internal channels, but the conditions under which they do so vary dramatically. The whistle-blower who, like “Deep Throat,” chooses to use an anonymous external channel faces a series of interrelated and complex decisions.

As women are encouraged to enter nontraditional occupations, it is important to identify factors that may promote a successful transition. Data from carpenter apprentices and instructors were analyzed to compare men and women. In some aspects, based on performance and satisfaction with the apprentice program, the union, and carpentry work, the transition into carpentry is as successful for women as for men. Women give themselves a higher probability of completing the program than do men. Problem areas are evident, however. Women are employed in construction less than men, and their male co-workers have negative attitudes toward affirmative action. In terms of factors associated with success, differences between men and women emphasized co-worker acceptance, fairness in job assignments, age, and realistic expectations.A. Marie Sickmeier assisted with the literature review and questionnaire design. II Jae Jung, Kye Song, and Marjorie Stassen assisted with computer analysis. Helpful comments on an earlier draft were provided

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The effect of health education programmes depends on the number of people exposed to the messages, as well as the method and style in which the information is transmitted. We conducted a pilot project to encourage healthier lifestyles by presenting culturally sensitive information using a variety of media. Material intended to provoke discussion was shared with a range of audiences in Barbados and Montserrat in the West Indies by a series of lecture discussions, which were videorecorded for local television and sound recorded for local radio. The lecture was also disseminated by newspaper articles, a special magazine and by publication on the Internet. The aim of the project was to achieve maximum effect for minimum effort, thus making optimum use of resources. The feedback obtained at the lecture discussions and in response to the radio broadcasts and newspaper articles provided a needs assessment on which to base a definitive programme, and confirmed that radio and television are the most effective media for health education.