This study explores the variety of income-generating activities, along with corresponding distances that homeless and marginally housed persons travel to engage in the activities. Altogether 24 individuals were interviewed, and ethnographic field observations occurred over several months to increase rapport. The qualitatively gathered data were used in ArcGIS to calculate travel distances. These income-generating activities that persons engaged in were commonly forms of shadow work, and many kinds of incomegenerating activities were found. Among our sample, there appeared to be two distinct groups: those with more income methods and further travels, and those with fewer methods and shorter travels. The varied types of income-generating activities and corresponding mobility considerations are discussed.Although popular discourse often refers to "the homeless" as a homogeneous entity, the term has been used to describe people in various situations. Peters and Robillard (2009), for example, consider individuals who had no place to live but stayed with friends, family, or others in temporary housing. The National Alliance to End Homelessness (2012) also included people fleeing domestic violence households with limited housing alternatives, while Thomson's (2016, p.7) focus was on persons who "did not have a place of their own where they could expect to stay for more than 30 days and if they did not pay rent." The homeless have also been defined to include persons in temporary housing such as boarding houses, transition houses or shelters, persons staying at someone else's residence, persons in hospitals or transitioning into or out of jails with no fixed address (Thomson, 2016), as well as those living in "unstable housing" in shelters, on the street, in temporary accommodations or in single room occupancy (SRO) hotels (Corneil et al, 2006; Kruppa et al., 2021).Homelessness may also refer to people in "precarious housing," which includes persons in "marginal accommodation" such as SROs or persons who have experienced two or more periods of homelessness in the previous 12 months (Somers et al., 2016).There are also many known standard features of homelessness. For example, numerous studies commonly detail victimization concerns (Roy et al., 2014), encampments (Chamard, 2010), and crime (Fischer et al., 2008Garland et al., 2010). We also know that the homeless are forced into public spaces more frequently than domiciled persons and that this influences homeless mobility in several ways, even without considering the transportation disadvantages experienced by the poor (Hine & Mitchell, 2001). Homeless mobility is affected by urban planning (