Occupational gender segregation--the tendency for women and men to work in different occupations--is an important feature of all societies, and particularly the wealthy industrialized ones. To understand this segregation, and to explain its significance, we need to distinguish between vertical segregation entailing inequality and horizontal segregation representing difference without inequality, with overall segregation being the resultant of these components. Three major theoretical approaches to understanding occupational gender segregation are examined: human capital/rational choice, patriarchy, and preference theories. All are found to be inadequate; they tend to confuse overall segregation with its vertical component, and each entails a number of other faults. It is generally assumed or implied that greater empowerment of women would reduce gender segregation. This is the reverse of what actually happens; in countries where the degree of women's empowerment is greater, the level of gender segregation is also greater. An alternative theoretical approach based on processes of social reproduction is shown to be more useful.

This article presents a new approach to measuring the most important dimension of gender segregation - the vertical dimension-in quantitative survey data. This, in turn, allows for a reassessment of the view that high levels of gender segregation are synonymous with high levels of social inequality. In order to do this, the article also draws upon significant conceptual developments. `Segregation' as it is commonly understood is named as `overall' segregation, and is the resultant of two components, `horizontal' and `vertical' segregation, representing difference and inequality separately. This provides a clear approach to measurement. The argument is developed with a case study of the British labour force. The pattern of segregation, in terms of its overall level and its components, varies considerably across sections of the labour force. In terms of inequality, the vertical components measured indicate that British women working full-time are more advantaged than we would expect, and that women working in part-time manual occupations, though facing the greatest relative disadvantage in terms of pay, are actually slightly advantaged over men working in manual occupations in terms of social stratification. Although overall segregation has remained relatively unchanged over the five year period from 1991 to 1996, there have been some significant changes to its components within the various sections of the employed British labour force in that time. By looking at the various sections of the labour force, relative to the labour force as a whole, we can achieve a better understanding of how segregation operates with respect to gender inequalities.

Cet article examine les changements survenus entre 1981 et 1996 dans la ségrégation hommes‐femmes. Le niveau de ségrégation dans son ensemble a faiblement baissé, suivant en cela la tendance observée depuis les années soixante. La diminution se traduit par une décroissance de 41% de la ségrégation verticale (équité salariale) mais par une augmentation de la ségrégation horizontale (différences autres que cette équité). Les femmes ont renforcé leur point d'ancrage dans la main‐d'œuvre à plein temps et élargi L'étendue de leur participation alors que celle des hommes dans des secteurs à temps partiel et moins prisés a augmenté, et que les emplois traditionnellement occupés par des hommes ont connu un déclin et ont vu L'arrivée des femmes. This article examines changes in gender segregation in Canada between 1981 and 1996. Overall segregation declined slightly. This is a continuation of a trend occurring since the 1960s. The decline comprises a 41% decrease in vertical segregation, representing inequality associated with occupational earnings, and increases in horizontal segregation, difference without such inequality. Women strengthened their footholds in the full‐time work force and diversified their breadth of participation, just as men's participation in part‐time and less desirable enclaves began to increase, and as traditionally male occupations experienced both decline and some influx of female workers.

Despite the prominence of discussions of gender segregation in explanations of labour market inequalities, there have been relatively few cross-national studies due to a lack of suitably detailed data. A recent ILO initiative obtained suitable data for cross-national analysis of 38 countries, with a much greater number of occupational categories than has usually been available. This paper reports findings from the analysis of these data. The problems and potential of using such data are discussed and a standardisation is introduced to control for the effects of the number of occupations in the segregation measure. There are important differences in the level of segregation in different countries. The highly segregated countries are to be found in Western Europe, and in particular Scandinavia. Several Arab countries also have high levels of segregation. An argument is made suggesting that the context and meaning of segregation patterns may be quite different from what might be inferred from single country studies.

No abstract