Belief structures categorized as superstitions were investigated among members of six selected Intercollegiate athletic teams enrolled at the University of Western Ontario, London, Canada during the 1971-72 aca demic year. A mailed questionnaire was employed as the survey instru ment and distributed to 174 athletes chosen by systematic random sampling from lists supplied by the Department of Athletics. The over all return rate was 73.3 percent (team sport athletes 78.3%: individual sports athletes 68.4%). Using the Spearman Rank Correlation Coefficient to determine differences between rankings of superstitions in sub-groups, it was found that: (a) the rankings for sport superstitions were similar between team and individual sport athletes, (b) there was a greater similarity in the rankings of sport superstitions among males. Team sport athletes provided greater support for superstitions related to equip ment and its use; order of entering the arena or their playing position; dressing room activities; repetitive rituals; and sports personalities. In dividual sport athletes gave higher support for superstitions related to wearing charms; lucky lane numbers; team cheers; and crossing one self before participation. Sport superstitions were identified with par ticular activities, for example, (a) Hockey - equipment, order and player position; (b) Basketball — sinking the last warm-up shot; (c) Volleyball — superstitions pertaining to food; (d) Swimming — colour of suit; (e) Track — clothing, lane numbers and superstitions related to shoes; and (f) Tennis — weather and lucky balls (by brand). The recourse to su perstitious beliefs and practices as determinants of success or effective participation was found to be particularly prevalent among the athletes of the sample. The fact that 137 respondents endorsed 904 superstitions (with repetition) which could be grouped into 40 categories clearly in dicated the strength of superstition in sport.

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Empirical support has been provided for the belief that differential socialization leads to the expression of different values toward physical activity among boys and girls of school age. There has also been support provided for the belief that the values developed through participation in physical activities are positive with respect to criteria accepted as indices of desirable socialization. These latter beliefs have received mixed support through empirical testing.Drawing upon the results of his studies of high schools in the Chicago area of the United States, Coleman (1959Coleman ( , 1961 demonstrated that differences were evident among the boys and girls of his sample in their preferences for leisure activities. The boys were found to halve a greater variety of activities to do, were more active, more inclined toward outdoor activities, and more likely to participate in sports. The girls were more likely to endorse as preferable leisure pursuits, those activities which allowed for the social gathering of friends and receptive types of activities such as reading, listening to music, and attending activities as spectators.In a cross-national study, Kenyon (1968a) found that school children provided the greatest degree of support for physical activities which allowed for the expression of the motivations for social experiences, health and fitness, aesthetic experiences, and catharsis. Female members of the samples gave greater support than the males for the motivations of social experiences, health and fitness, aesthetic experiences, and catharsis, while the male gave significantly higher support for those of the pursuit of vertigo, ascetic experiences, and chance as determinants of their participation in physical activities.In a study of the socialization of children through play and ganies, Webb (1969) found that there was a development over time of attitudes toward play which are concurrent with the generalized values inherent at The University of Iowa Libraries on March 15, 2015 irs.sagepub.com Downloaded from

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The popular wisdom of American student groups and media representatives in the early 1970's characterized athletes as political conservatives. Such beliefs became emotion-charged and widely verbalized to the extent that it was possible to recognize the existence of a stereotypic image of the "jock" as a campus political deviant. Radical students and media publicity helped in the attachment of political con servatism to Canadian intercollegiate athletes. Research evidence, however, was una vailable to support or deny this stereotype. Utilizing the McClosky Political Conservatism Scale, a self-report scale, and a variety of attitude items, the political ideologies of athletes and nonathletes in a Ca nadian university setting were evaluated. Both groups were found to be generally liberal in their orientations although some inconsistencies were evident with regard to specific issues. The stereotype was clearly at variance with the reality of the particular setting and the discrepancy with the American data was discussed in terms of, (a) the in teraction style employed by the coaches at the particular institution; (b) the different approach to the role of the student-athlete in a society where athletic skill is not gen erally subject to scholarship assistance; and (c) the degree of integration of athletes into the wider university community.