We draw upon data from a prospective, longitudinal study to evaluate the role of typically occurring variations in early experience on development from birth to adulthood. Such an evaluation is complex for both methodological and conceptual reasons. Methodological issues include the need to control for both later experience and potentially confounding third variables, such as IQ or temperament. Conceptual complexity derives from the fact that the effects of early experience can be both direct and indirect, can interact with other factors, and because whether an effect is found depends on what early experience and what outcomes are assessed. Even direct effects are probabilistic and are more in evidence with cumulative than with single measures. Often early experience has its effect indirectly by initiating a chain of events, by altering the organism in some way, and/or by promoting the impact of later experience. We provide examples where early experience is moderated and mediated by other factors and where it shows latent effects following developmental change. We illustrate developmental processes through which early experience has its effect and conclude that despite the complexity of development variations in early experience retain a vital place in the study of development.
We investigated children and families who were participating in a mentoring program targeting children with incarcerated parents. Using multiple methods and informants, we explored the development of the mentoring relationship, challenges and benefits of mentoring children with incarcerated parents, and match termination in 57 mentor-child dyads. More than one-third of matches terminated during the first 6 months of participation. For those matches that continued to meet, however, children who saw their mentors more frequently exhibited fewer internalizing and externalizing symptoms. In monthly interviews with participants, themes emerged about challenges associated with mentoring and reasons for match termination. Implications for researchers, practitioners, and policymakers are discussed. Keywordshigh-risk children; incarceration; mentoring; termination; volunteer programs As of 2007, more than 1.7 million children have a parent who is incarcerated in a state or federal prison (Glaze & Maruschak, 2008). Children of incarcerated parents are at risk for developing behavior (Murray & Farrington, 2005) and school problems (Arditti, LambertShute, & Joest, 2003) and insecure attachment relationships (Poehlmann, 2005b). Many of these children experience multiple risks, making them an ideal target for interventions. Recently, policymakers have viewed formalized mentoring programs (e.g., Big Brothers/Big Sisters [BBBS]) that match at-risk youth with unrelated adult volunteers as one intervention effort that may address some of the needs of this population (Jucovy, 2003). The political popularity of mentoring may be due, in part, to the low cost of volunteer-run programs. Further, mentoring programs make intuitive sense -all children need guidance and support from role-models (Walker, 2007). Despite their popularity, such targeted programs have not been explored in the empirical literature. The purpose of the current study is to examine the development of mentoring relationships and children's behavioral outcomes in the context of a mentoring program for children with incarcerated parents. NIH Public Access Author ManuscriptFam Relat. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2010 July 22. Mentoring Programs: An Application of Attachment TheoryAttachment theory provides one model for understanding how supportive adults can positively influence children who have a history of disruption or loss in the context of a parent's incarceration. Early theorists emphasized the detrimental impact of separation from parents on children's relationships and subsequent outcomes (Bowlby, 1979). Children with a history of unreliable care, significant disruption, or loss may develop insecure attachments. Children with insecure attachments hold views of themselves as unworthy of care and attention, and of others as untrustworthy and unreliable. Further, insecurity is considered a non-specific risk factor for later behavior problems (Deklyen & Greenberg, 2008).Children's expectations of future relationships, or internal working models, ...
The underlying question of this study is whether childhood parental loss between infancy and sixth grade is a predictor of adult depression at age 26 years when a rating of loss severity is used. The loss rating considered the length of the separation/loss, the familiarity of substitute caregivers, the primary or supporting role of the lost parent figure, and traumatic features of the loss. The study also investigated the role of gender, developmental timing of the loss, life stress, SES, prior parental care and attachment history, and follow-up family relationships in the pathways between loss and depression. Results are reported from a prospective longitudinal study of children (N = 164) born into poverty. Measures were collected prenatally through age 26 years and included multiple methods and multiple reporters. Results indicated that the most robust predictor of adult depression was loss history between 5 years old and grade 2. Earlier and later measures of loss were not related to adult depression. However, intervening loss experiences predicted change in depression scores from childhood to adulthood. Loss continued to predict adult depression after controlling for SES, maternal life stress, participant life stress, gender, early caregiving, and follow up family functioning. This study found no significant gender differences. These results suggest that loss is a risk factor for adult depression for both boys and girls and that the quality of early and later caregiving do not entirely buffer children from the effects of parental loss.
Children under the age of 6 years are disproportionately exposed to interpersonal trauma. Research describing type and frequency of exposure to trauma among this young population is limited. Additionally, few studies have assessed the role of multiple indicators of parental functioning on children's behavior following trauma exposure. The current study was conducted with 216 ethnically and socioeconomically diverse mother-child dyads to examine the impact of maternal symptoms and parent-child functioning on child's behavior after trauma exposure. Children experienced an average of over 5 traumatic events prior to age 6 years, and mothers had experienced an average of over 13 traumatic events during their lifetime. With child's trauma history in the model, maternal depressive symptomatology (β = .30) and parent-child dysfunction (β = .32) each uniquely accounted for variance in children's behavioral and emotional functioning. The findings of this study underscore the need for clinical interventions that address the parent-child relationship and parental symptomatology following young children's exposure to trauma.
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