A study was undertaken to describe how Swedish nursing staff at six different units characterize spiritual needs in a broad context, including both religious and existential issues. Another aim was to study whether there are any special groups of patients for whom these needs are considered to be of utmost importance. A questionnaire comprising two open-ended questions (the focus of the study) and six background questions was mailed to 191 nurses. Data were obtained from 141 nurses who worked on the oncology, palliative, neurological, neurosurgery and psychiatric units or in nursing homes. Data from the open-ended questions were analysed using content analysis and classified into three categories: (i) (general) spiritual issues, (ii) religious issues, and (iii) existential issues. Sub-categories of the latter were (a) meaning, (b) freedom, (c) isolation and (d) death, i.e. the four central issues in existentialism as previously defined by existential philosophers. A majority of the nurses only had limited theoretical knowledge about definitions. Nevertheless, their suggestions for improved spiritual and existential support contained essential elements that could be allocated to the three main categories. They had some difficulty distinguishing between spiritual and psychosocial care. According to the nurses, special groups of interest for spiritual and existential support were severely ill, dying persons and immigrants who actively practiced their religion. We conclude that there is a willingness to pay attention to spiritual and existential needs, but nurses still have difficulty defining what such care should include. The study revealed that nursing staff needed, and also made inquiries about, more education in order to deepen their knowledge.
In Stockholm, Sweden, women are invited to a cost-free population-based cervical cancer screening programme (PCCSP) at regular intervals. Despite this, many women choose not to attend screening at all or to take opportunistic tests instead. This study explores how women who actively declined participation in the PCCSP reasoned about their choice. Qualitative telephone interviews and fax messages from women who actively declined participation in the PCCSP were analysed inductively. The manner in which women defined and conceptualized distinctions between, and the roles and responsibilities of, both private and public spheres were found to be central in explanations of decision making. Factors related to women's decisions not to participate in screening at all include a lack of confidence in the benefits of screening, previous negative health care and preventive experiences, a belief in one's own ability to discern health changes or a belief that one was not at risk for cervical cancer, as well as a number of unconventional standpoints on social and political issues. Women who chose not to participate in the organized PCCSP, but who did use private opportunistic screening, generally motivated this with direct or indirect criticism of the screening programme itself. Not only was the examination itself sensitive but also all facets of the PCCSP, from invitation letter on, were found to influence women's decisions. Using Jepson et al.'s ethical framework to peruse the evidence-base underlying women's 'informed decision-making' about CCS is suggested to be more constructive than discussing potential participants' knowledge versus lack of knowledge.
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