La crisis de 2008 marca el fin de la globalización como etapa histórica y orden hegemónico. El fin del ciclo de las materias primas, que expresa ese cambio en América Latina, es el marco del ascenso de nuevas fuerzas de ultraderecha neopatriotas, de perfil nacionalista y soberanista, con fuertes retóricas antiglobalistas. Examinando factores de estructura y de agencia globales y nacionales, este artículo parte del ascenso de las derechas latinoamericanas neopatriotas para analizar sus matrices de política exterior e inserción internacional, mostrando como elementos comunes el alineamiento con Estados Unidos y la contestación a las normas y las instituciones regionales y al multilateralismo. Finalmente, examina en qué medida el ascenso de las nuevas derechas latinoamericanas, más allá de sus especificidades nacionales y regionales, forma parte de una tendencia o ciclo global de contestación al orden internacional liberal y la globalización.

This work argues that the new far-right, which we characterise as neo-patriotic, emerges through a combination of agency and structural factors amid a crisis of globalisation, understanding it as a crisis in the hegemonic order. The crisis of globalisation opens opportunities for the rise of a new far-right which redefines the popular, the national, and the international based on Schmittian friend-enemy distinctions, as an autonomous categorisation, which gives political meaning to their identity as a political actor. A key element of this identity is a reactionary internationalism based on the defence of tradition against cosmopolitan globalism. Thus, the reinstatement of a traditionalist "Arcadia" gives meaning to the process of re-politization and challenges to the liberal international order, its national, regional, and global dimensions, universalist and globalist discourse, and its teleologies of progress. In sum, these actors do not merely question globalisation as an established order but fight for the construction of an alternative international order of a reactionary type.

In recent years, China has expanded its presence in Latin America leading to increased trade flows, foreign direct investment, and bilateral cooperation agreements. At the same time, Brazil has attempted to emerge as a global player from its belief in itself as a regional leader. While both countries are part of the emerging South, they are also competing for influence in the South American area. We hypothesize that for MERCOSUR members, deepening commercial ties with China would be a viable option to counterbalance Brazil’s regional leadership, using Uruguayan legislators preferences as a tool for our study. Using logistic models, we conclude that that the probability of supporting a hypothetical free trade agreement with China is larger when politicians viewed MERCOSUR as an obstacle to the interests of his or her country and when he or she had doubts about Brazilian

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