Germans are unable to assess their own position in the income distribution of their country and do not know much about income inequality and stratification. They are well aware of their ignorance. Germans would prefer society to be more egalitarian than they perceive it. Providing accurate information about the income distribution does not change this preference for more redistribution-except among those who learn that they are net contributors in the German tax-transfer system.
When based on perceived rather than o n objective income distributions, the Meltzer-Richards hypothesis and the POUM hypothesis work quite well empirically: there exists a positive link between perceived inequality or perceived upward mobility and the extent of redistribution in democratic regimes -though such a link does not exist when objective measures of inequality and social mobility are used. These observations highlight that political preferences and choices might depend more on perceptions than on factual data.
In patients with BCR-ABL-negative myeloproliferative neoplasms (MPN), arterial or venous thromboembolic events (ATE/VTE) are a major burden. In order to control these complications, vitamin K antagonists (VKA) are widely used. There is no robust evidence supporting the use of direct oral anticoagulants (DOAC) in MPN patients. We therefore compared the efficacy and safety of both anticoagulants in 71 cases from a cohort of 782 MPN patients. Seventy-one of 782 MPN patients (9.1%) had ATE/VTE with nine ATE (12.7%) and 62 VTE (87.3%). Forty-five of 71 ATE/VTE (63.4%) were treated with VKA and 26 (36.6%) with DOAC. The duration of anticoagulation therapy (p = 0.984), the number of patients receiving additional aspirin (p = 1.0), and the proportion of patients receiving cytoreductive therapy (p = 0.807) did not differ significantly between the VKA and DOAC groups. During anticoagulation therapy, significantly more relapses occurred under VKA (n = 16) compared to DOAC treatment (n = 0, p = 0.0003). However, during the entire observation period of median 3.2 years (0.1–20.4), ATE/VTE relapse-free survival (p = 0.2) did not differ significantly between the two anticoagulants. For all bleeding events (p = 0.516) or major bleeding (p = 1.0), no significant differences were observed between VKA and DOAC. In our experience, the use of DOAC was as effective and safe as VKA, possibly even potentially beneficial with a lower number of recurrences and no increased risk for bleedings. However, further and larger studies are required before DOAC can be routinely used in MPN patients.
ZusammenfassungTrotz Bildungsexpansion und verschiedener bildungspolitischer Bemühungen bestehen beim Übergang ins Studium und in der Studienfachwahl bis heute erhebliche herkunftsspezifische Unterschiede. Inwieweit bildungspolitische Reformen die sozialen Ungleichheiten im Hochschulbereich verändern und welche Studierendengruppen auf solche reagieren, wurde bislang jedoch selten untersucht. Der vorliegende Beitrag beschäftigt sich daher am Beispiel der BAföG-Reform 1983 mit der Frage, inwieweit kostenbezogene Veränderungen den Übergang ins Studium und im Speziellen die Studienfachwahl beeinflussen. Ausgehend von kulturellen Reproduktionsprozessen und rationalen Entscheidungsprozessen werden verschiedene theoretische Erklärungsansätze skizziert und im Rahmen eines Differenz-in-Differenzen(DID)- und Regressions-Diskontinuitäts(RD)-Designs hinsichtlich ihrer empirischen Evidenz getestet. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die BAföG-Reformen im Zeitraum von 1976–1986 zu einer Verstärkung der Ungleichheiten beim Übergang ins Studium geführt haben, aber bei der Studienfachwahl in die umgekehrte Richtung wirken. Aufgrund der Erhöhung der Studienkosten verzichten Studienberechtigte aus weniger privilegierten Familien zwar häufiger auf ein Studium, aber diejenigen, die sich für eine Studienaufnahme entscheiden, wählen in zunehmendem Maße lukrativere Studienrichtungen. Das Bildungsverhalten der Studienberechtigten aus privilegiertem Elternhaus wird dagegen erwartungsgemäß von der BAföG-Reform weniger stark beeinflusst.
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