and too many others. It was chosen before the pandemic, with its disproportionate, deadly effects on communities of color. Those realities nevertheless mark this issue. They resonate across how these essays theorize rage, harness rage as a resource, and use academic work to help foment the productive rage that forces change.The links between women and anger, feminism and rage, are long standing. "Anger is a really rational response" to everything that women have had to face, Soraya Chemaly (2020, 761) recently noted in Signs. Decades of feminist work have conceptualized women's anger as both burden and power, theorizing the transition between them: "Focused with precision," as Audre Lorde writes, "it can become a powerful source of energy serving progress and change . . . useful against those oppressions, personal and institutional, which brought that anger into being" (1981, 280). As a burden, rage can push into madness, the social edge of saying "No" to all that others accept. 1 Used effectively, rage is a kind of liberation: "The freedom of the wholly mad" as Adrienne Rich writes, "to smear & play with her madness / write with her fingers dipped in it" (1973, 27).Yet feminist rage is never identical or symmetrical. The resentful anger of right-wing white women, for example, is nothing like the rage of women of color, who are expected to assume a disproportionate burden of affective labor and never to show anger for the insults that they face: "rage under harness," Lorde (1981, 280) calls it (see also Kalish and Kimmel 2010). 2 Some-perhaps

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My dissertation focuses on the thirteenth-and fourteenth-century Franco-Italian literary corpus. T hese texts, written in a hybrid French-Italianate language, include such works as the Entrée d'Espagne and, more famously, ...

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