My research interest focuses on education policy and provision for socially excluded youth within the FE sector. I have both local and international academic and professional experience in social work, criminology and higher education. Teaching qualifications include PGCE, MSET -QTLS, and Fellowship status with the HEA.Currently I am a lecturer in HE, and also a registered HCPC social worker. 'economy'.

Introduction:"I was doing Health and Social Care Level 1 last year and then I was going to do Level 2 but I did not get the right GCSEs. So I thought that this course did GCSEs but it didn't…they do Functional Skills…so it was a bit of a thing for me. I don't know….I'm a little bit on and off about the course, really. It's distressing having to do a Level 1 S2S course! It's hard because I could have gone on to Level 2 but now I have to be here for an extra year. I don't want to waste a year here on this course. My English is like a D and my Maths like a F. But I don't understand why I cannot do my GCSE Maths if I don't get a D? I don't understand that! No, the tutors did not explain why I cannot do it. I would have thought that if you did not get the right GCSEs you can re-take them whatever they are? I didn't know it had to be a certain grade for me to be able to re-take them….I need to take my GCSEs but I don't know where to retake them"? (Interview with Zette -Field notes November 2014) Zette is a black student who previously studied a Level 1 Health and Social Care course. Her hope was to progress on to the next Level 2 Health and Social Care course with the view to study social work once she completed her vocational education at college. However, Zette's trajectory within the education system took a diversion when she discovered a key obstacle: she did not have the right GCSEs. She therefore could not progress to do the next Level 2 [Type text]GCSE classes. Consequently, Zette was enrolled on Functional Skills maths and English, missing a fundamental opportunity to do GCSEs, a key requirement nowadays for access to higher levels of study or training within the setting.Zette's concluding remark sets the premise for this article: There is the evident need to retake GCSEs so she could attain higher academic grades with the hope to access higher levels of further study and a subsequent career in social work. However, despite these aspirations and stated need for higher GCSE grades, Zette learnt an important lesson: she was denied access and GCSE provision was firmly placed out of reach. As a consequence, Zette was completely stuck with low GCSE grades at this particular college.

The role of the education sector has expanded into areas of social welfare. A key influence, relates to the disintegration of public-funded organisations responsible for mental health and social welfare provision. This article considers the policy drive for a broadened welfare mandate within education settings. Drawing on illustrations of welfare-orientated teaching, the article explores the extent to which a welfare agenda influenced teaching practice and education provision for marginalised youth enrolled on an employability course in an FE college. During academic years 2013 to 2015, empirical research was conducted with seven tutors and twenty six students enrolled on a Level 1 employability course at a large FE college in South East England. Key findings discovered that there was a disproportionate focus on welfare duties when teaching youth with complex backgrounds. Fieldwork data mainly highlighted complications, contradictions and the counter-productive nature of welfare-orientated teaching: it gave rise to 'social welfare tutors'; they have a diminished academic focus and were wholly engaged in welfare duties, reducing the course to something akin to therapy and welfare practice. Despite good intentions, generally, such practice directly reinforced disadvantage and marginalised participants from essential provision that granted access to a range of further study and training opportunities within the setting.

RPA (Raising of Participation Age) legislation re-positioned all youth in England to participate in post-16 education and training, the ultimate aim to develop 'human capital', i.e. skills, abilities and knowledge (Foucault 2008). However, how does RPA play out in practice with previously NEET and so-called disengaged youth engaged on a Level 1 prevocational course? Empirical research was conducted at a large general further education (FE) college in South East England, named The Site with seven tutors and twenty six students from the 2013-14 and 2014-15 cohorts. Adopting a case study approach, multiple methods of data collection were used, including classroom observations, semi-structured interviews, focus group discussions and document analysis. Key findings problematize education and highlighted complications for marginalised youth that participated in the study. Far from being a straightforward experience for former NEET and disadvantaged youth to gain knowledge and skills whilst at college, conversely, these Level 1 pre-vocational students faced multiple barriers that challenged student efforts to access essential provision in an attempt to improve on previous academic failure. Research findings revealed 'warehousing' appeared to be the main purpose of education for these particular students in this study. Distinctly different to stereotypical ideas, these particular students wanted to learn. In a profound way, empirical research highlighted how stringent academic conditions were powerfully used to demarcate access and predetermined which types of youth were permitted on higher levels of study programmes and apprenticeship. This study adopts a social justice framework and therefore advocated for numerous structural and pedagogical changes. Amongst others, the recommendation was made for an overhaul in government and organisational policies on GCSE provision. This study also calls for a sharpened political focus, inviting academic and government debate for a critical re-think and revamp of re-engagement provisionso it is fit for purpose for disadvantaged students.

The words, 'Sorry, you're not Black enough' painfully alerted me to the domineering presence of institutional racism at the University of Cape Town (UCT), a prestigious university which customarily reserved access for White, affluent and international students. Positioned at the intersections of race, gender and social class, this study draws on Critical Race Theory's counter-storytelling, using autoethnographic research to critically reflect on my childhood, Social Work studies and career in South Africa and England. The paper reveals painful experiences of microaggressions and overt racism in social work practice, but also celebratory moments of good practice, academic success and individual resilience.