Household-labor time and market-labor time are organized in part through the social structure of unequal gender relations. Generally, women do more household work than men, women's market work is undervalued, and the greatest rewards for market work accrue to men. The career model of employment is biased in favor of men who have few household responsibilities. Even noncareer seniority-sensitive job paths assume male incumbency with limited competition from household responsibilities. In this article we discuss the gendered underpinnings of the organization of time in contemporary Western society by critically examining household-labor time and the masculine models of career and noncareer employment. In addition to the important feminist goal of pay equity, we argue for a feminist politics of time that promotes alternative work-time arrangements for women and men to foster gender equality in the market and at home.Work-time, Alternative Work-time Arrangements, Household-labor Time, Market-labor Time, Gender And Work-time,

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Durkheim's Division of Labour in Society is re‐evaluated in terms of its profound theoretical tensions. On the one hand, his analysis of an emergent organic solidarity assigns a central place to the values of individuality and justice, and articulates a critical methodology for determining their progressive realization. Justice becomes the overriding requirement of social evolution, and the condition for structural integration and normative legitimation. On the other hand, various empirical claims, as well as naturalistic and functionalist assumptions, allow for an overly easy, and quite un‐Durkheimian, resolution of the problems posed by justice and individuality in a highly stratified division of labour. An attempt is made to understand how these profound tensions are sustained theoretically, and how Durkheim's own conception of the division of labour as socially interactive and morally constitutive can be rescued for a critical analysis committed to democratic and egalitarian reform.

The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has been engaged in a process of organizational learning to build civic capacity for nearly 4 decades, in effect discovering its civic mission. This article examines how EPA has increasingly become a more effective enabler of democratic network governance in the watershed arena and has developed ambitious cross-media initiatives to help transform the culture of the agency. Its very progress, however, highlights significant challenges that the agency must address.