If we take seriously the idea that democracy is not only a political regime but also a way of life, in another sense, if we admit, as Lefort (1986) puts it, quoting Strauss, that politeia means "regime" in the sense of a form of government and more profoundly and widely in the sense of a form of life, as rendered by the expression "Ancien Regime" for prerevolutionary France, then we cannot agree to the usual a priori divide between "the social" and "the political" spheres. The distinction between morals and manners (and the loss of the unity of the ancient "mores") is a form of this more general dichotomy between the social world of practices, and the political (or moral) world of principles, that a pragmatist approach helps to overcome (Putnam 2004). Following Dewey's important stance according to which ideas and practices are organically related and, whilst they can be analytically distinguished as steps in a process, are never more than aspects or moments in a continuous and dynamic phenomenon (1938, French translation 2006: 598), I shall make the case for a study of political principles as they appear and they are put into play, expressed, fought for, in urban civil interactions. Civility will be considered here as: a part of public life, a part of the everyday experience of citizenship, an ongoing activity, as opposed to a set of pre-defined superficial social rules that one should only have to apply, that is, without ever really thinking about their meaning or legitimacy, but rather "blindly" or even without thinking at all. Considering civility as an active part of practicing democracy as a way of living together in a political community will, therefore, require us to admit at least three ideas, which I shall attempt to defend: 1. Civility does not embody 'the social' as opposed to 'the political.' Rather, it navigates between these two polarities of the public, between a notion of the public, that can be considered as representing the potential tyranny of the second person and an opposite Civility and Democracy
À la différence des types urbains négatifs comme l'agresseur ou l'ivrogne, le bébé et le petit vieux sont des figures particulièrement positives des interactions dans l'espace ordinaire. Avenant et vulnérable, le petit vieux meuble parfois une attente par une conversation sans obligation ; visage ouvert sur le monde, la bébé s'attire à lui mimiques et petits mots. Ces deux figures d'âge aux interactions heureuses donnent consistance aux liens faibles qui font la ville.
Résumé De nombreuses critiques ont été formulées quant à la portée politique du rapprochement aujourd’hui croissant entre questions politiques et questions urbaines, civilité et citoyenneté. Ces critiques ont souligné les effets en trompe-l’œil imputables à « l’orientation localiste et urbaniciste de l’action publique? 1 », ainsi que les risques d’un confinement de l’engagement militant dans le local. Sans prétendre trancher ici ces débats, on propose de suspendre toute présomption concernant « ce que veut dire » le fait de parler d’engagement de proximité, de citadinité, ou de civilité, pour considérer ce que peuvent faire certaines de ces façons de parler? 2 et d’agir, dans des contextes particuliers, ici celui d’une activité associative. L’analyse portera sur un discours de la proximité, mis en œuvre dans le cadre d’une démarche de communication, entreprise en 2009 par l’association Les Morts de la Rue , engagée dans le soutien aux personnes à la rue, et dont la principale activité consiste à offrir des funérailles aux personnes décédées à la rue. Cette démarche offre une occasion intéressante d’aborder l’articulation possible de gestes civils élémentaires et de l’engagement citoyen.
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