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Shifting away from ownership towards access-based consumption, innovative new business models known as product-service systems (PSS) are advocated as part of a more circular, resource efficient economy. With product ownership (and responsibility for repair) remaining with providers, pay-per-use services are promoted as one such model, which can both increase product longevity and reduce the 'burdens of ownership' on consumers. However, PSS also require public acceptance of access-based consumption, including the long-term use of non-owned products and a range of accompanying contractual obligations. We conducted a series of deliberative workshops with the public, aiming to explore the concept of pay-per-use PSS and the role that concerns about ownership and responsibility may have in determining public acceptance. Rather than focusing on innate desires for product ownership, we found that participants' concerns regarding pay-per-use PSS were usually related to wider fears surrounding the risks and responsibilities of entering into contract-based service agreements. Identifying four public narratives of service provision (Ownership and convenience; Risk and responsibility; Affordability and security; Care and control), we argue that successful introduction of PSS will only be possible if careful consideration is given to deeply held values pertaining to ownership, responsibility and trust that influence such cultural understandings.

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The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that:• a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders.Please consult the full DRO policy for further details. Abstract: New data from the complex Lower Thames locality at Purfleet, Essex, reinforce the correlation of interglacial deposits there with Marine Isotope Stage (MIS) 9, the second of four postAnglian (MIS 12) interglacials recorded in the river terrace sequence east of London. Arising from various developer-funded archaeologically-driven projects, and primarily the construction of 'High Speed 1' (HS1: formerly the Channel Tunnel Rail Link), the new evidence includes additions to palaeontological knowledge of this interglacial, notably from ostracods and vertebrates, results from isotopic analyses of shell and concretionary carbonates, and the first application of numerical geochronological techniques at Purfleet. These analyses, combined with mutual climatic modelling of the ostracods, confirm that deposition of the fossilferous deposits coincided with interglacial conditions, with similar-to-or warmer-than-present summer temperatures and colder winters, providing a suggestion of greater continentality. OSL and amino-acid racemisation support correlation of the interglacial with MIS 9, whereas the climatic and sedimentological evidence points to correlation with the earliest and warmest substage (MIS 9e). There is also evidence that a greater part of the Purfleet sequence might date from the interglacial, although whether these also represent MIS 9e or later parts of the complex stage cannot be determined. The additional archaeological material is consistent with previous interpretations of a tripartite stratigraphical sequence of lithic traditions: basal Clactonian, above which is Acheulian (handaxe manufacture), followed by one of the earliest British appearances of Levallois technique. ABSTRACTNew data from the complex Lower Thames locality at Purfleet, Essex, reinforce the correlation of interglacial deposits there with Marine Isotope Stage (MIS) 9, the second of four post-Anglian (MIS 12) interglacials recorded in the river terrace sequence east of London. Arising from various developer-funded archaeologically-driven projects, and primarily the construction of 'High Speed 1' (HS1: formerly the Channel Tunnel Rail Link), the new evidence includes additions to palaeontological knowledge of this interglacial, notably from ostracods and vertebrates, results from isotopic analyses of shell and concretionary carbonates, and the first application of geochronological techniques at Purfleet. These analyses, combined with palaeotemperature estimates from the Mutual Ostracod Temperate Range...

Consumption and production-based accounting Greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions can be accounted for in different ways 1. Currently the UNFCCC measures emissions geographically by territories, counting GHGs produced within a country's territory, hence excluding international aviation and shipping from all countries (these are included as a memo in UNFCCC inventories). A production-based inventory takes an economic definition and assigns emissions associated with production units and residents belonging to a country, whereas a consumption-based approach measures emissions associated with the consumption of goods and services consumed in a country (i.e. associated with the expenditure of a country's residents). Consumption emissions are equal to production emissions minus emissions embodied in exports to be consumed abroad plus emissions embodied in imports to meet final consumption. Emissions assigned to households from a territorial perspective include only the operational emissions produced directly to heat homes and drive cars. From a consumption perspective, all the emissions embodied in goods and services consumed by households are allocated to them, in addition to direct emissions from heating and private travel. A UK comparison While the UK officially reports its climate targets from a territorial perspective, many studies compare production and consumption-based emissions, finding that industrialised countries like the UK embody more emissions in their consumption than is produced within their territories or from their resident institutional units 1-5. In the region of 50% of GHGs associated with UK consumption are emitted within the UK, with the remaining half emitted outside the UK 4,6,7. The UK imports materials and products increasingly from industrialised countries like China, which tend to have been produced with a more coalintensive energy mix, to satisfy their consumer demand 8. This trend is representative of similarly industrialised countries 8-10. Focusing on household emissions, 151 MtCO2e were directly emitted from private transport and home heating in 2015. In this sense, household emissions include private car travel, which is often attributed to transport, not the residential sector, in accounting measures. Hence, this value will be higher than those reported as the UK residential sector in UK GHG emissions national statistics. 151 MtCO2e is 17% of the UK's consumption-based footprint and 26% of its territorial footprint. From a consumption perspective, all the emissions embodied in goods and services consumed by households are allocated to them, which contribute around 80% of the UK's consumption emissions account. The remaining 20% is embodied in public procurement and large capital infrastructures. In this paper we have focused on emissions embodied in carbon intensive non-consumable materials and goods common to households: clothing, footwear and textiles; packaging; vehicle manufacture; electronics and appliances; furniture; leisure equipment; and construction (buildings and transport infra...