This article examines some of the social and philosophical implications of stem cell technologies. Stem cell technologies promise to transform the way that healthy tissues for transplant are sourced and circulated; from a social economy in which citizens donate whole organs to others, to one in which embryos are a major source of therapeutic tissues. This article considers the transformations in concepts of health, bodily relationships and social indebtedness that such a shift might entail. Using the concept of biovalue, this article describes the ways embryos are biologically engineered to act as tissue sources, and considers the relationship between biovalue, health and capital value. It discusses the effects stem cell technologies may have on concepts of the healthy body, particularly on the temporality of ageing, and on understandings of the human more generally.

This paper examines the relatively recent practice of non-medical egg freezing, in which women bank their eggs for later use in conceiving a child. Non-medical egg freezing has only been available for about the last five years, as new vitrification techniques have made the success rates for actual conception more reliable than the earlier method of slow freezing. I draw on interviews with both clinicians and women who have banked their eggs to consider how this novel practice articulates with broader issues about the relationship between sexuality, reproduction and the political economy of household formation. Non-medical egg-freezing provides a technical solution to a number of different problems women face with regard to the elongation of the life course, the extension of education, the cost of household establishment and the iterative nature of relationship formation, thematised by the ubiquity of internet dating among the interviewees. I focus on the ways women used egg freezing to manage and reconcile different forms of time.

The development of genomics has dramatically expanded the scope of genetic research, and collections of genetic biosamples have proliferated in countries with active genomics research programs. In this essay, we consider a particular kind of collection, national biobanks. National biobanks are often presented by advocates as an economic "resource" that will be used by both basic researchers and academic biologists, as well as by pharmaceutical diagnostic and clinical genomics companies. Although national biobanks have been the subject of intense interest in recent social science literature, most prior work on this topic focuses either on bioethical issues related to biobanks, such as the question of informed consent, or on the possibilities for scientific citizenship that they make possible. We emphasize, by contrast, the economic aspect of biobanks, focusing specifically on the way in which national biobanks create biovalue. Our emphasis on the economic aspect of biobanks allows us to recognize the importance of what we call clinical labor-that is, the regularized, embodied work that members of the national population are expected to perform in their role as biobank participants-in the creation of biovalue through biobanks. Moreover, it allows us to understand how the technical way in which national biobanks link clinical labor to databases alters both medical and popular understandings of risk for common diseases and conditions.

More and more areas of medicine involve subjects donating tissues to another — blood, organs, bone marrow, sperm, ova and embryos can all be transferred from one person to another. Within the technical frameworks of biomedicine, such fragments are generally treated as detachable things, severed from social identity once they are removed from a particular body. However an abundant anthropological and sociological literature has found that, for donors and patients, human tissues are not impersonal. They retain some of the values of personhood and identity, and their incorporation often has complex effects on embodied identity. This article draws on feminist philosophy of the body to think through the implications of some of these practices. Specifically, it draws on the idea of intercorporeality, wherein the body image is always the effect of embodied social relations. While this approach is highly productive for considering the stakes involved in tissue transfer, it is argued that the concept of body image has been too preoccupied with the register of the visual at the expense of introceptive data and health/illness events. Empirical data around organ transplant and sperm donation are used to demonstrate that the transfer of biological fragments involves a profound kind of intercorporeality, producing identifications and disidentifications between donors and recipients that play out simultaneously at the immunological, psychic and social levels.

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