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Theoretical work relating economic effect of children suggests that labor market participation decreases for mothers with large number of young children and increases when children are adults. The majority of empirical studies find results consistent with this expectation, but there are some studies which fail to confirm this theoretical prediction for the developing countries. This paper used data from a household survey of rural and urban married women to test the theoretical prediction that labor market participation decreases for mothers with large number of young children and increases when children are adults. Results show that when all households are considered, children seem to have positive effects on the probability of the mother’s work participation. However, when household lifecycle and rural-urban location differences are considered, coefficients are negative (but not statistically insignificant) for urban households with large number of young children and positive (and statistically significant) for those households with more adult children; whereas for rural households, these coefficient signs are reversed. Results from the quantitative data combined with qualitative narratives suggest that large numbers of young children do not prohibit rural mothers from working.

L'évidence théorique rattachant l'effet économique d'enfants suggère que les mères travaillent moins d'heures avec le grand nombre de petits enfants et de plus d'heures où les enfants sont des adultes. La majorité d'études empiriques trouve des résultats en accord avec cette attente, mais il y a quelques études qui manquent de confirmer cette prédiction théorique pour les pays en dévelop-pement. En utilisant des données d'une enquête de promotion du ménage de femmes mariées rurales et urbaines avec au moins deux enfants vivants, cette étude emploie le Deux stade la Moindre partie de modèle de Carrés pour documenter les heures maternelles d'effet de travail du nombre d'enfants. Nous constatons que les enfants ont des effets positifs pour les heures des mères tant rurales qu'urbaines de travail quand toutes les maisons sont considérées, mais pas ainsi pour les mères urbaines quand les maisons sont classées par catégories par les tranches d'âge de leurs enfants. Généralement, nos résultats contredisent la théorie traditionnelle et montrent que les mères éthiopiennes avec les grands nombres de travail de petits enfants plus long.Mots clés: Endogénéité, cycle de vie, fécondité observée, fécondité prévue, heures de travail.The Ethiopian national population policy was launched in 1993 with the overall aim of ensuring a balanced population and economic growth (TGE, 1993). Despite its promulgation, policy implementation had been weak partly due to insufficient political commitment and weak implementation capacity until 2005, when both fertility rates and population were given increasing attention, as is evident in Ethiopia's consecutive national development policy and programs (MoFED, 2002(MoFED, , 2006(MoFED, , 2010 UNDP, 2001; UN Population Division, 2005; IMF, 2006; MWUD, 2007). The national development plans identify, among other things, ensuring maternal labor market participation as critical for achieving the planned development. One major strategy to achieve this, as suggested by the plan documents, is ensuring balanced population and economic growth, for example through reducing fertility.In Ethiopia, fertility has been one of the highest among developing countries, but there seems to be a substantial decline in recent years. Modern contraceptive use has recently risen, for example, from 11% in 2000 (Central Statistical Authority of Ethiopia -CSA hereafter,

Ethiopia is among the five countries which account for half of the global under-five deaths, with the under-five mortality rate of 67 deaths/1000 live births in 2016. Ethiopia had significant inequalities in child mortality between rural and urban areas where the risk of child mortality is largely higher in rural than urban areas. Inequalities in the distribution of factors influencing child mortality need to explain the gap between and within urban-rural areas. The study used the risk of child mortality as an outcome variable. Multilevel logistic regression was used as a standard model for assessing the effect of socioeconomic and contextual factors on child mortality. Furthermore, the Blinder-Oaxaca decomposition technique was used to explain the urban-rural, intra-rural, and intra-urban inequalities in child mortality. The birth order and sanitation type seem to be the most important explanatory factors, followed by wealth status in explaining the rural-urban inequality of 39 deaths/1000 children. Mean proportion indicates that there would be 47 deaths/1000 children for urban poor and 21 deaths/1000 children for urban non-poor, resulting in 26 deaths/1000 children change in urban poor when applying the urban non-poor coefficient and characteristics to urban poor behavior. The findings showed that some residential inequalities in child mortality occur at a level that could be addressed by targeting children, households, and some occurs at a community level that could be addressed by targeting regions. Therefore, any residential sensitive and specific interventions should consider child’s and household’s characteristics, and geographical location.

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